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Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury


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Anthony Cooper was born in 1621. The son of a large landowner, Cooper was educated at Oxford University and Lincoln's Inn.

In 1640 Cooper was elected to the House of Commons. On the outbreak of the Civil War Cooper initially supported Charles I but changed sides and accused the king of following policies "destructive to religion and State".

Cooper kept in the background until being appointed as a member of a law reform commission in 1652. Later he joined the Council of State. However, in 1655, he resigned in protest against the dictatorial methods of Oliver Cromwell.

In 1659 General George Monck recruited Cooper in his campaign to restore the monarchy. After the Restoration he was rewarded by being appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer. Cooper was also a member of the commission that tried the Regicides.

Cooper was a strong supporter of religious toleration and this resulted in him clashing with Earl of Clarendon. Cooper survived but Charles II was wary of his religious views and did not inform him of the Treaty of Dover where the king promised to become a Roman Catholic in return for French subsidies.

Cooper continued to support the king's policies and he was created Earl of Shaftesbury and made Lord Chancellor. However, he was later dismissed from office when he expressed doubts about the role being played by the king's brother, James.

Earl of Shaftesbury now argued that Charles II should call a new Parliament to discuss these issues. His supporters began to wear green ribbons (the colours of the Levellers). The king, concerned about this act of rebellion, had Shaftesbury arrested and sent to the Tower of London.

Dissatisfaction with the king continued and after a year Shaftesbury was released and James was sent to live abroad. Shaftesbury was brought back to power as president of the privy Council. In this position he urged Charles II to remarry in an effort to produce an heir to the throne. Charles, who wanted his brother to succeed him as king, refused, and dismissed Shaftesbury from office.

In July 1681 Shaftesbury was arrested and charged with high treason. However, in November, 1681, the grand jury threw the charges out. Shaftesbury was released but fearing he would be arrested again, he fled to the Netherlands where he died in 1683.

Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, also a great instrument in this horrid treachery, as he was most active amongst those of the Parliament who were consulting for their restitution, so notwithstanding the affronts he had formerly put upon me, the Lord Arundel being pressed by the trustees and contractors at Drury House for the paying in of thousands of pounds which he was in arrears for some lands which they had sold of his to some of his friends, and which Cromwell had discharged him of, they not allowing that to be a sufficient discharge threaten him to sell the land again, according to a command they had received from the Parliament to that purpose, if he forthwith paid not the said arrears. It being apprehended that my letter to them might be of service to him therein, he the same Sir Anthony, coming to me with him to desire me to write on his behalf, professed to be very affectionate to the interest of the Commonwealth, which he did so to the life that I was much pleased therewith, having always believed him to be otherwise inclined. But notwithstanding his fair words, I was not so confident of him as to repose any great trust in him, he having played fast and loose so often, declaring sometimes for the king, then for the Parliament, then for Cromwell, afterwards against him, and now for the Commonwealth.

About this time I went to Sir Arthur Haslerig, whom I knew to be of a most rigid and inflexible spirit, and endeavoured as well as I could to persuade him of the necessity incumbent on us all to lay aside our private animosities, and to unite our whole strength to preserve the vessel of the Commonwealth from sinking. I desired him to entertain a better opinion of Sir Henry Vane, and some other persons than he seemed to have, assuring him that it was impossible to prevent that ruin which threatened us.


1st Earl of Shaftesbury

Anthony Ashley Cooper was born to wealth and comfort. In his early political career he had considerable difficulty in obtaining his seat in Parliament, and although he aligned himself with the King at the beginning of the civil war, he had similar difficulties in obtaining the powers of the posts he was appointed to in the royal forces. He was unforgiving of this lack of trust.

By 1644 Cooper had become frustrated in the royal cause, and he shifted to the parliamentary forces. Although he performed admirably in his military capacity, Parliament refused to seat him. At this juncture he withdrew from national affairs only to resurface in the Cromwellian Parliaments. He was finally admitted to Cromwell's Council of State in 1653.

By 1656 Cooper had joined the parliamentary opposition to Cromwell, and in the last years of the interregnum he moved violently from one position to another until he finally was placed on the commission to recall Prince Charles in 1660. In the spring of 1660 he received a pardon from King Charles II for his part in Cromwellian affairs. As a companion of the King and as a rising official, he was created 1st Baron Ashley in 1661, but his rise was checked by his opposition to the Earl of Clarendon and the Cavalier-Anglican party.

After the fall of Clarendon, Ashley became a member of the coalition ministry of the Cabal and worked closely with the 2d Duke of Buckingham. By 1670 Ashley had become formally estranged from the Duke of York, and he began his career as an exclusionist with attempts to legitimatize the Duke of Monmouth to deprive York of the succession. The alienation of York also led Ashley into the camp of the fervent anti-Catholics.

Ashley's progression from liberal tolerationist in the 1660s to rabid anti-Catholic in the 1670s brought him into a position of opposition to the court. Thus, although he was a member of the Cabal ministry, he was not informed of the secret Treaty of Dover of 1670. Further, though he sponsored the Dutch War, he opposed the raising of funds to support that was as his position had changed from ministership to opposition during the progress of the war. In the same vein he supported Charles's Declaration of Indulgence in Council, but he opposed it in Parliament because it offered toleration for Catholics as well as for Protestant nonconformists. Created 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, he became lord chancellor in 1672. He was dismissed from office in 1673.

During the Earl of Danby's ministry Shaftesbury's position hardened, and he shared with Buckingham the leadership in attacking the ministry. In 1677 he was imprisoned in the Tower for the violence of his statements, and he was released only upon his submission in 1678.

With the outbreak of the Popish Plot hysteria in 1678, Shaftesbury not only fanned the flames of fanaticism but also actively colluded with Titus Oakes and other informers to direct their testimony toward a more meaningful political end—the exclusion of the Duke of York from the succession. His personal role in the parliamentary leadership of the lower house and the Green Ribbon Club cannot be substantiated in any final form because his heirs destroyed much of his correspondence. All contemporary evidence, however, points toward Shaftesbury's as being the final voice in Whig circles.

By 1681 the Popish Plot had blown itself out, and reaction had set in against the Whigs over the extremity of their demands. Shaftesbury was isolated and, although the Whig sheriff of London by empaneling a Whig jury was able to save him from a trial on the charge of treason, he was forced to flee to the Continent.

Shaftesbury was an infinitely complex personality who was at one and the same time motivated by high-minded principles and base ambitions. He could show, upon occasion, selfless sacrifice and then turn to the most duplicitous and cynical actions. His principal weaknesses were his belief that what was expedient for him was moral for the nation and his necessity to destroy what he could not dominate.


The legacy of Anthony Ashley-Cooper the Victorian social reformer

Stories about children growing up in harsh, unloving homes usually end with the children becoming social misfits. But sometimes the absence of a caring environment in childhood breeds a strongly empathetic adult who seeks to spare others from pain. Perhaps that explains why the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury became such a dedicated social reformer, campaigning against the abuse of children working in factories and mines and the scandalous treatment of the insane in lunatic asylums. He also laboured to establish schools, to abolish the use of small children as chimney sweeps, and to wipe out child prostitution. He was a vocal opponent of slavery but had little respect for the United States' President Abraham Lincoln and thought the South should be permitted to secede from the Union.

Shaftesbury was born into the aristocracy on 28th April, 1801. Though he was the eldest son and heir, he was far from spoiled. Young Anthony Ashley-Cooper's parents showed no love toward their nine children and often neglected them. A household servant, Maria Millis, took the boy under her wing and introduced him to Evangelicalism, but she died shortly after he left home for boarding school at age seven. It was a miserable time for Anthony in a miserable place. He remembered the Manor House School at Chiswick as 'bad, wicked, filthy and the treatment was starvation and cruelty.'

Ashley moved on to Harrow in 1813 and found it a welcome change. Oxford followed Harrow in 1819, and upon graduation he toured the Continent. So far his life typified that of a 19th-century aristocrat. Physically attractive to the ladies, the intense young man experienced drastic mood swings, with the darker aspects predominating.

At age 25 Ashley was elected to the House of Commons. His appointment to the Select Committee on Pauper Lunatics in the County of Middlesex and on Lunatic Asylums set him on the path of social reform. Inmates in the dreadful asylums of the day fared worse than abused animals. Treatment--and not all asylums bothered to treat--consisted of bleedings, semi-starvation, and the plunging of unsuspecting patients into ice water. (There were isolated exceptions. A Quaker named William Tuke founded an asylum where patients received proper care. Not surprisingly, Tuke achieved an unusually high recovery rate.)

The Select Committee called many witnesses, but it made no inspections. Ashley's first speech in the House of Commons supported the establishment of a Board of Commissions to license and inspect asylums. Like many who espouse a new cause, Ashley was drafted to implement his own ideas, and he served on the Commission for 57 years. Tirelessly inspecting these scenes of misery, he gradually brought about improvements in the standards of patient care and treatment.

Ashley also championed the regulation of child labour. Children as young as four worked 16-hour days at dangerous tasks, often falling ill or being maimed as a result. Labour laws begged for reform, and Shaftesbury, working industry by industry, made every effort to marshal bills through the House of Commons that limited the number of hours children could work and the minimum age at which they could be employed. For years he struggled to push a bill through the House of Commons which would limit workdays to ten hours for children ages nine through 13 and abolish labour altogether for younger children. Drawings of half-naked youth and women yoked to coal carts in two-foot-high mine tunnels helped bolster public support for the effort. Ashley also initiated a campaign to ban the use of small children as chimney sweeps. Employers gave youngsters the dangerous job of crawling up narrow, still-hot chimneys. They emerged--if they didn't get stuck and perish in transit--scraped, burned, covered with soot, and prone to a particularly painful form of cancer.

Touring the underside of London, Shaftesbury found ragged young beggars living on the streets or crowded into filthy hovels and boarding houses. He led the effort to clean up the pest holes and provide clean water, better sanitation, and improved housing. He also promoted the establishment of schools for the children. Schooling was extremely important to him. As an Evangelical, he expected the imminent return of Christ and believed that everyone who had not come to know God would be condemned forever. Children who worked long hours, however, had no opportunity to go to school and learn about religion.

The schools then available to these poor, rough children were called Ragged Schools. (The name was intended to let youngsters know they could come without shoes or decent clothes.) John Pounds, a Portsmouth cobbler, launched the idea at the beginning of the 19th century when he invited young ragamuffins into his shop and taught them reading, arithmetic, cooking, shoemaking, and religion. In 1844 Ashley became President of the Ragged School Union and helped spread Ragged Schools throughout Britain.

Still, these children faced bleak prospects for honest employment. Inspired by a flotilla of old but still useful ships congesting the Admiralty yard, Ashley arranged to send eager orphans to labour-poor Australia and Canada. Rounding up 150 boys, he fed them a fine dinner and then asked them whether they would be interested in living on a ship and learning seamanship. The boys' enthusiasm was matched by contributors who provided the funds to outfit one ship, then another.

Lord Shaftesbury became the ragamuffins' darling. The ones he knew, he greeted by name. Sometimes they sent him notes. At the end of his long life, on the day of his funeral service at Westminster Abbey, the poor thronged the streets, hoping to catch a glimpse of his coffin on its way to the Abbey.

In his 84 years, he certainly earned the love and respect of Britain's lower class. He also had earned the respect--if not always agreement and affection--of Parliament. Yet even with such a legacy of good works, depression plagued him to the end. Always polite in person, he railed against all his political enemies, real or perceived, in the diaries he kept throughout his life. He imagined that people hated him, plotted against him, and intentionally treated him disrespectfully. In his diaries, he alternately dreaded being appointed to high position, chafed at being offered positions he perceived as beneath him, or asserted that he would accept no appointment at all--and in fact he turned down Prime Minister Robert Peel's offer to make him Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

Born into a Tory family of landowners, Ashley's sympathies often lay more closely with the Whigs, so he constantly found himself torn between his personal leanings and the party of his elected position in the House of Commons and later in his inherited position in the House of Lords. Although consistently praised for his elegantly constructed speeches, he imagined them to be weak failures.

His fears and depression had some foundation many in the Government faulted him for being rigidly religious, and sometimes his causes suffered for it. Money worried him constantly. Kept on a tight allowance until his father died, he then inherited his family's ancestral home, St. Giles. His father had let it decline, and the financial burden of maintaining it more than offset Shaftesbury's income from agriculture. Gifts and loans from friends and relatives helped keep his family afloat, but Ashley remained deeply in debt. He dearly loved his wife, Minny, and their ten children and often agonized over their troubles. His eldest son and heir to St. Giles, Anthony, greatly disappointed his father. Anthony seemed to lack seriousness of purpose and constantly ran up debts his father was hard-put to pay off. Another son, Maurice, suffered from epilepsy, and a daughter, Mary, struggled with severe asthma both died of their diseases.

Despite his deep personal misgivings, Ashley opened people's eyes to the oppression of the weakest and poorest among them, and he led the way in establishing programs and policies to ease their misery. If he was right about the Second Coming of Christ, he did all he could to help prepare the way.


  1. ↑ 1.0001.0011.0021.0031.0041.0051.0061.0071.0081.0091.0101.0111.0121.0131.0141.0151.0161.0171.0181.0191.0201.0211.0221.0231.0241.0251.0261.0271.0281.0291.0301.0311.0321.0331.0341.0351.0361.0371.0381.0391.0401.0411.0421.0431.0441.0451.0461.0471.0481.0491.0501.0511.0521.0531.0541.0551.0561.0571.0581.0591.0601.0611.0621.0631.0641.0651.0661.0671.0681.0691.0701.0711.0721.0731.0741.0751.0761.0771.0781.0791.0801.0811.0821.0831.0841.0851.0861.0871.0881.0891.0901.0911.0921.0931.0941.0951.0961.0971.0981.0991.1001.1011.1021.1031.1041.1051.1061.1071.1081.1091.1101.1111.1121.1131.1141.1151.1161.1171.1181.1191.1201.1211.1221.1231.1241.1251.1261.1271.1281.1291.1301.1311.1321.1331.1341.1351.1361.1371.1381.1391.1401.1411.1421.1431.1441.1451.1461.1471.1481.1491.1501.1511.1521.1531.1541.1551.1561.1571.1581.1591.1601.1611.1621.1631.1641.1651.1661.1671.1681.1691.1701.1711.1721.1731.1741.1751.1761.1771.1781.1791.1801.1811.1821.1831.1841.1851.1861.1871.1881.1891.1901.1911.1921.1931.1941.1951.1961.1971.1981.1991.2001.2011.2021.2031.2041.2051.2061.2071.2081.2091.2101.2111.2121.2131.2141.2151.2161.2171.2181.2191.2201.2211.2221.2231.2241.2251.2261.2271.2281.2291.2301.2311.2321.2331.2341.2351.2361.2371.2381.2391.2401.2411.2421.2431.2441.2451.2461.2471.2481.2491.2501.2511.2521.2531.2541.2551.2561.2571.2581.2591.2601.2611.2621.2631.2641.2651.2661.2671.2681.2691.2701.2711.2721.2731.2741.2751.2761.2771.2781.2791.2801.2811.2821.2831.2841.2851.2861.2871.2881.2891.2901.2911.2921.2931.2941.295 Tim Harris. "Cooper, Anthony Ashley," in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press, 2004–2007. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/6208
  2. ↑'Alumni Oxonienses, 1500–1714: Colericke-Coverley', Alumni Oxonienses 1500–1714: Abannan-Kyte (1891), pp. 304–337. Date accessed: 14 June 2011
  3. ↑ Lodge, p. 487
  4. ↑ 4.04.14.24.34.44.54.64.7History of Parliament Online – Cooper, Sir Anthony Ashley
  5. ↑Old Bailey Proceedings supplementary material, Anthony Shaftsbury, Royal Offences > treason, 24th November 1681.Template:Via
  6. ↑ McCrady, Edward, The History of South Carolina Under the Proprietary Government, 1670-1719, Volume 1. Heritage Books, 1897, page 126
  7. ↑ Robert Sandford, "A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina, 1666," in Salley, AS, ed [1911], 1967, "Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650-1708, Vol. 4 of "Original Narratives of Early American History," Edited by J. Franklin Jameson (New York: Barnes and Noble) p. 108, found in Lockhart, Matthew A. "Quitting More Than Port Royal: A Political Interpretation of the Siting and Development of Charles Town, South Carolina, 1660-1680", Southeastern Geographer, Vol 43, N 2, Nov 2003, UNC Press
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Catalogue description Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury and successors: Papers

This collection consists of deeds and grants with a large collection of papers concerning the Ashley and Cooper families, papers, diaries and correspondence relating to the first, second, third and fourth Earls of Shaftesbury letters and papers of John Locke, including several pamphlets in his handwriting, and the original or 'First Set of the Fundamental Constitutions' for the government of Carolina letters and papers relating to Carolina and the first settlement on Ashley River and documents concerning Ireland, Jamaica, Barbados, Bahamas and other Foreign Plantations, and the East Indies: and a memoir of George Frederick Handel.

After the death of the fourth earl in 1771, the collection largely peters out. The later records relate mainly to matters of family, estate and local interest and illustrate the development of an aristocratic family in Dorset.

The census of Dorset seamen in 1664 is notable, among other papers dealing with impressment.

This collection was among the earliest gifts of private papers of public relevance deposited in the Public Record Office.

The 12 sections of the Shaftesbury deposit devised and catalogued by W N Sainsbury in 1871 were divided by 1889 into 50 pieces. Occasional transfers within the series are also noted.

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Baron Ashley 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, 1621-1683

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 2nd Earl of Shaftesbury, 1652-1699

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury, 1671-1713

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 4th Earl of Shaftesbury, 1711-1771

Anthony Ashley Cooper7th Earl of Shaftesbury, 1801-1885 from 1871-1881.

For the papers of the 1st Earl, see B Martyn and A Kippis, Life of the 1st Earl of Salisbury (G W Cooke ed, London, 1836), W D Christie, Life (2 vols, London, 1871) which largely incorporates his previous Memoirs, Letters and Speeches (London, 1859), and the biographies by L F Brown (London, 1933) and K H D Haley (Oxford, 1968). For Locke, see M Cranston, John Locke (London, 1957). For the 3rd Earl see B Rand, The Life, Unpublished Letters , Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury (London, 1900) and R Voitle, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury 1671-1713 (London, 1984). Some of the 3rd Earl's correspondence was published in the 18th and 19th centuries. A sixteen volume edition (in English, with German translation) of his works, selected correspondence and papers, much of which is taken from PRO 30/24, is appearing (Sammelte Werke, ausgewählte Briefe und nachgelassenen Schriften, W Benda and G Hummerich eds, Stuttgart, 1981-). The first series consists of four volumes on Ästhetik (1981, 1989, 1992, 1993) of the second, on Moral Philosophie und Politik, three volumes have appeared (1984, 1987, 1992). The whole of PRO 30/24/48, relating to Carolina, is in the Calendar of State Papers (Colonial) Series, America and West Indies vols II, III and IV, W N Sainsbury ed, 1880, 1889, 1893.

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury (1621-1683), was sometime Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord Chancellor. He went on to become the first leader of the Whig opposition in Parliament, having previously served Charles I, Parliament, Cromwell, the Rump and Charles II in uneasy succession.

While in office, he acquired and retained numerous official papers, especially for the years 1659 to 1674. As one of the lords proprietors of the new colony of Carolina, he was a colonial pioneer, having previously invested in Barbados and the Bahamas, and he was much involved in the Council of Trade and Plantations, 1672-1674. His patronage of John Locke (1632-1704), the Whig philosopher whose writings and secretarial scrutiny permeate the later seventeenth century portion of the series, adds significantly to the general interest of the collection.

Locke was tutor to the 1st Earl's grandson, the future 3rd Earl (1671-1713) who despite his early death, which extinguished his political potential, acquired something of a European reputation as a moral philosopher in the eighteenth century. The 4th Earl, his son, a patron of the composer G F Handel, confined his political interests largely to the Dorset area, and sought to perpetuate the memory of the 1st and 3rd Earls.


Person:Anthony Cooper (1)

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury PC (22 July 1621 – 21 January 1683), known as Anthony Ashley Cooper from 1621 to 1630, as Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 2nd Baronet from 1630 to 1661, and as The Lord Ashley from 1661 to 1672, was a prominent English politician during the Interregnum and during the reign of King Charles II. A founder of the Whig party, he is also remembered as the patron of John Locke.

Anthony Ashley Cooper was born in 1621 and had lost both of his parents by the age of eight. He was brought up by Edward Tooker and other guardians named in his father's will, before attending Exeter College, Oxford, and Lincoln's Inn. After he married the daughter of Thomas Coventry, 1st Baron Coventry, in 1639, Coventry's patronage secured Cooper a seat in the Short Parliament, although Cooper lost a disputed election to a seat in the Long Parliament. During the English Civil War, Cooper initially fought as a Royalist, before departing for the Parliamentary side in 1644. During the English Interregnum, he served on the English Council of State under Oliver Cromwell, although he opposed Cromwell's attempt to rule without parliament during the Rule of the Major-Generals. He also opposed the religious extremism of the Fifth Monarchists during Barebone's Parliament.

As a member of Parliament, Cooper opposed the New Model Army's attempts to rule the country following the downfall of Richard Cromwell, and he encouraged Sir George Monck's march on London. Cooper served as a member of the Convention Parliament of 1660, which determined to restore the English monarchy, and Cooper was one of twelve members of parliament who travelled to the Dutch Republic to invite King Charles II to return to England. Shortly before his coronation, Charles created Cooper Lord Ashley, so when the Cavalier Parliament assembled in 1661 he moved from the House of Commons to the House of Lords. He served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1661–1672. During the ministry of the Earl of Clarendon, Shaftesbury opposed the imposition of the Clarendon Code and supported Charles II's Declaration of Indulgence (1662), which the king was ultimately forced to withdraw. After the fall of Clarendon, Ashley was one of the members of the so-called Cabal Ministry, serving as Lord Chancellor 1672–1673. He was created Earl of Shaftesbury in 1672. During this period, John Locke entered Ashley's household. Ashley took an interest in colonial ventures and was one of the Lords Proprietor of the Province of Carolina in 1669, Ashley and Locke collaborated in writing the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina. By 1673, Ashley was worried that the heir to the throne, James, Duke of York, was secretly a Roman Catholic.

After the Cabal Ministry ended, Shaftesbury became a leader of the opposition to the policies pursued by Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby. Danby favoured strict interpretation of the penal laws, enforcing mandatory membership of the Church of England. Shaftesbury, who sympathised with the Protestant Nonconformists, briefly agreed to work with the Duke of York, who opposed enforcing the penal laws against Roman Catholic recusants. By 1675, however, Shaftesbury was convinced that Danby, assisted by the bishops of the Church of England, was determined to transform England into an absolute monarchy, and he soon came to see the Duke of York's own religion as linked to this issue. Opposed to the growth of "popery and arbitrary government", throughout the latter half of the 1670s Shaftesbury argued in favour of frequent parliaments (spending time in the Tower of London, 1677–1678 for espousing this view) and argued that the nation needed protection from a potential Roman Catholic successor to King Charles II. During the Exclusion Crisis, Shaftesbury was an outspoken supporter of the Exclusion Bill, although he also endorsed other proposals that would have prevented the Duke of York from becoming king, such as Charles II's remarrying a Protestant princess and producing a Protestant heir to the throne, or legitimising Charles II's illegitimate Protestant son the Duke of Monmouth. The Whig party was born during the Exclusion Crisis, and Shaftesbury was one of the party's most prominent leaders.

In 1681, during the Tory reaction following the failure of the Exclusion Bill, Shaftesbury was arrested for high treason, although the prosecution was dropped several months later. In 1682, after the Tories had gained the ability to pack London juries with their supporters, [1] Shaftesbury, fearing a second prosecution, fled the country. Upon arriving in Amsterdam, he fell ill, and soon died, in January 1683.


ASHLEY, Anthony, Lord Ashley (1671-1713), of Wimborne St. Giles, Dorset

b. 26 Feb. 1671, 1st s. of Anthony Ashley Cooper†, 2nd Earl of Shaftesbury, by Lady Dorothy, da. of John Manners†, 8th Earl of Rutland bro. of Hon. Maurice Ashley*. educ. privately (Elizabeth Birch) 1675–9 Clapham sch. 1680 Winchester 1683–6 travelled abroad (France, Holland, Italy, Germany, Austria, Switzerland) 1686–9. m. 29 Aug. 1709 (with £3,000), Jane (d. 1721), da. of Thomas Ewer of Bushey Hall and the Leas, Watford, Herts., 1s. suc. fa. as 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury 2 Nov. 1699.

Offices Held

Biography

Ashley was placed under the guardianship of his grandfather, the 1st Earl of Shaftesbury (Anthony Ashley Cooper†) in whose London house he was born, and hence at an early age came under the influence of the latter’s close friend and secretary John Locke, the philosopher. Locke chose Ashley’s first governess, the daughter of the prominent Nonconformist minister Samuel Birch, and on the death of her father in 1679, he appears to have followed her to a school in Clapham. He was then sent to Winchester where he suffered from the taunts of his schoolfellows on account of the first Earl’s politics. In 1686 he started a European tour in the company of his tutor Daniel Denoue and Sir John Cropley, 2nd Bt.*, who became his lifelong friend. At least one permanent strand in his political thinking, hatred of France, was already clearly developed by this time, when in a letter to his father in May 1689, while on his return to England, he rejoiced in ‘our late purge from those promoters of the interest that was to have enslaved us to the horridest of all religions and to the service of the usurpations and treacheries of that neighbouring crown that has aimed so long at the subjection of all Europe’. He refused offers to stand for Weymouth and for various Wiltshire boroughs in the 1690 election, explaining to Sir John Morton*, who had invited him to stand for Weymouth, that he as yet lacked the sufficient skills for political office and would gain ‘greater experience by still looking on’. Indeed, he even journeyed to Wiltshire ‘to prevent some gentlemen who were about to have promoted my interest there’, arguing that the local gentry did not know him well enough.1

Ashley spent the next few years in study, and was also occupied with the family’s estates and its interests in the Carolinas, where the 1st Earl had been a lord proprietor. It seems that Ashley inherited the proprietorship from his grandfather and was actively involved in meetings concerning the governance of the colony. However, he declined to become governor when the post was offered to him in 1695, and his inherited proprietorship was taken over by his brother, Maurice. During these years he remained on close and friendly terms with Locke, and he continued Locke’s pension of £100 p.a. initiated by his grandfather. Looking back on the early 1690s he viewed ‘two parties equally pretending service to the crown and government and equal merit in the Revolution’. However, the corrupt proceedings of Henry Guy*, Speaker Trevor and the Duke of Leeds (Sir Thomas Osborne†) convinced him of the merits of the Whigs. Two months after Trevor’s expulsion 1695 Ashley entered the Commons for Poole on his family’s interest at a by-election following the death of Sir John Trenchard. He was returned again at the general election held shortly afterwards.2

Ashley has been seen as ‘that archetypal country Whig’, and his short career in the Commons bears testimony to this interpretation. On 26 Nov. 1695 he made his maiden speech on the Country Whig bill to reform treason trials, when he was so overcome by nerves he broke down. The House, after giving him time to recover, urged him to continue, whereupon he said:

Whether a premeditated oratorical device or not, this made a considerable impression upon the House. He was forecast as doubtful for the divisions of 31 Jan. 1696 over the proposed council of trade, he voted against the resolution barring Members of Parliament from being appointed to the new council, which the government favoured as a wrecking amendment, but he did support the Court motion for an abjuration oath for those chosen, an example of his willingness to take an independent line on matters, as one later encomium put it, ‘when he apprehended it might in any way be beneficial to his country’. A document entitled ‘some amendments proposed by Lord Ashley’ in the papers of Sir William Williams demonstrates his role in supporting the Welshman’s parliamentary qualifications bill, particularly in stipulating that the property qualification relate to real estate and that residency in a county, or near to a borough, also be a prerequisite for membership of the Commons. Commenting on legislative proposals was a regular activity as he seems to have done the same with Locke’s ideas on the recoinage and on the Licensing Act. However, his espousal of ‘Country’ measures drew the wrath of the Court, as he wrote to Thomas Stringer on 15 Feb. 1696:

He was listed as voting against the Court on fixing the price of guineas at 22s., but this was challenged by another writer. He had, of course, signed the Association.3

In the next session Ashley continued his independent line by voting on 26 Jan. 1697 in favour of tacking Williams’ qualification bill, which had been rejected by the Lords, to the capitation bill. He received leave of absence for a week on 22 Feb. James Vernon I* summed up the Court’s attitude to his behaviour when he wrote to Shrewsbury on 17 Feb. 1698: ‘I know not what my Lord Ashley’s party is, or how far they have authorized him to make any proposals in their names, but I see there is but one sort of men the King can with safety depend upon, and many factions and interests are concurring to divide and pull them to pieces.’ Unsurprisingly, he was classed as a member of the Country party in an analysis of about September 1698. Looking back on his time in the Commons, as recounted by his own son, Ashley explained his aims:

However, by April 1698 his disillusionment was palpable as he wrote to Locke: ‘I think it would have been altogether as well for my country and mankind, if I had done nothing, so fruitless have my endeavours been, and so little profit arisen from these years I have entirely given from myself to the public.’ Even worse, his doctor later attributed his asthma to this period in the Commons: ‘when in that House, he constantly attended the service of the House by day, and was late at night at the committees in a close room, with a crowd of people, where he was often carried into an eagerness of dispute, he contracted such a weakness of lungs, as to bring on a convulsive asthma’. Poor health gave him the ideal excuse to refuse to stand at the 1698 election. Indeed, following the death of his mother in June 1698, Ashley left for Holland, spending most of his time in Rotterdam with his friend Benjamin Furly, a Quaker merchant, and only returning to England in the following May. He re-entered Parliament as a peer, having succeeded his father in November 1699. Henceforth Shaftesbury’s role was confined to the Lords, to electioneering in Wiltshire and Dorset, and, of course, to the publication of tracts dealing with political themes. He died at Naples from the effects of his asthma on 4 Feb. 1713, and his embalmed body was returned for burial in St. Giles’s church, where an inscription was set up to his memory.4

Ref Volumes: 1690-1715

Authors: Paula Watson / Henry Lancaster

Notes

Unless otherwise stated this biography is based on R. Voitle, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury and B. Rand, Shaftesbury Letters.


Cooper, Anthony Ashley (First Earl of Shaftesbury)

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1 st Earl of Shaftesbury, was a renowned English statesman who came to found the Whig Party in 18 th century England and served as a Lord Proprietor of the Province of Carolina. Born in Wimborne St. Giles, a small village in East Dorset, England, Cooper was the eldest son of Sir John Cooper, 1 st Baronet, and Anne Ashley. His maternal grandfather, Sir Anthony Ashley, whose name he took, served for many years as a Clerk of the Council during the reigns of Elizabeth I and James I.

Following his mother’s death in 1628, Cooper’s father married Lady Mary Morrison, the daughter of wealthy textile merchant Baptist Hicks. Morrison was co-heiress to Hicks’s estate, and her grandson eventually served as the powerful 1 st Earl of Essex. Cooper’s father died two years after his marriage to Mary Morrison and named Sir Daniel Norton and Edward Tooker, both politicians and landowners, as trustees to raise the seven year old Cooper. Cooper attended Exeter College, Oxford and married Margaret Coventry in February 1639. The couple never had children, and Coventry died after ten years of marriage. Cooper then married Lady Frances Cecil, who bore two children, Cecil and Anthony, before her early death in 1654. Only Anthony lived to adulthood.

Denzil Holles, 1 st Baron Holles, a leader in the opposition movement against Charles I, blocked Cooper’s first attempt to enter politics. Holles cited Cooper’s recent marriage to Margaret Coventry, whose father served as Lords Keeper at the time, as constituting a conflict of interest that would compel his sympathies toward the king. In turn, Cooper initially supported the Royalists (or Cavaliers) during the English Civil War. However, Cooper’s loyalties shifted over the years, and correspondence indicates that Cooper had Parliamentarian sympathies. It was during this time period with the Parliamentarians, known as “Roundheads,” that Cooper expressed interest in business. He co-owned a 205-acre sugar plantation in Barbados, which at one point employed 21 servants and 15 slaves. Cooper sold his share of the plantation in 1654 amid increasing competition from Dutch merchants, likely boosting the English statesman’s foray into international commerce regulation. These campaigns for market power led to the Anglo-Dutch Wars that prevailed for more than an entire century as the English and Dutch fought for control of sea channels and other trade routes.

In 1649, Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, appointed Cooper to the Council of State after Charles I’s overthrow and execution. Cooper, however, became distanced from Cromwell, who disbanded the parliament of which Cooper had been a member in January 1655. With the rise of the Convention Parliament five years later, Cooper was once again appointed to the Council. He and his colleagues restored the monarchy to Charles II, the eldest living son of Charles I, at which time Cooper was reportedly “a firm friend to the king.” This connection led to Cooper’s privileged seats on various commissions, including the council of trade.

In 1663, the king granted the Province of Carolina to eight individuals. Cooper was one of those men, and he came to lead the management of this huge tract of land in North America, which Parliament named from the Latin Carolus in honor of Charles I. Cooper also had a connection to the Raleigh name, as Sir Walter Raleigh’s son, Carew Raleigh, married the widow of Cooper’s maternal grandfather. The Ashley and Cooper Rivers in South are named after Cooper himself. Apparently Cooper liked the water so much that he sent a letter to Sir John Yeamans, then governor of the Province of Carolina, requesting “12,000 acres in some convenient healthy fruitful place upon the Ashley River” for his own enjoyment. (The Ashley River is in present day South Carolina.)

It was random chance that Cooper, visiting Oxford for a medical appointment, made an acquaintance with the eminent Enlightenment philosopher John Locke. Locke was a medical student at the time, not having written any of the philosophical works that would later bring him to fame as a political thinker. He was having difficulty working toward his medical degree, yet he managed with great skill to drain a dangerous abscess growing inside of Cooper’s body. Locke subsequently fit a drainage tube into the affected area that Cooper wore for the rest of his life. This is when their friendship began, as well as when Locke joined Cooper’s management team as secretary.

Cooper and the other Lords Proprietors proceeded to divide the Province of Carolina into two sections, North Carolina and South Carolina, at which point they commissioned Locke to write the territories’ official constitutions. Locke completed “The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina” in 1669, which the Lord Proprietors favored until its cancellation around the start of 18 th century. The legal document contained a mixture of classical liberalism and conservative feudalism that, among other things, wished to “avoid erecting a numerous democracy” and to “be made most agreeable to the monarchy under which we live and of which this province is a part”. These excerpts appear to reflect an ideology resembling a support for established powers, but Locke’s distinguished sense of individualism seems to have penetrated its foundations quite a bit.

Many historians have suggested that Locke was not only a participant in the administration of the Province of Carolina but also an active decision-maker when it came to policy. It is likely that Cooper relished hearing Locke’s opinion on governmental matters. Evidence confirms that Cooper possessed an early draft of Locke’s celebrated “Essay Concerning Human Understanding” in 1681, nearly one decade before the work officially appeared in England.

One year after the completion of “The Fundamental Constitutions,” Cooper realized that Charles II had secretly signed the Treaty of Dover with King Louis XIV, who at the time ruled France. The agreement called for an alliance between the two nations under the condition that France pay an annual stipend to Charles II and that the English king eventually convert to Catholicism and begin urging his kingdom in the same direction.

Cooper disagreed with the treaty’s contents immensely but quelled his opposition in light of Louis XIV’s desire to wage war against the Dutch Republic, whose merchants competed with Cooper’s sugar plantation in the 1650s. Charles II appointed Cooper as Lord Chancellor in November 1672. Locke stayed on as Cooper’s secretary and often acted as his closest political adviser, “conducting research [and] writing speeches … in connection with Shaftesbury’s trading and colonial interests”. It is also notable that Cooper moved politically leftward (i.e., toward classical liberalism) during this time, likely catalyzing his split with Charles II and Catholicism in general.

The next nine years of Cooper’s life consisted of political battles over England’s alliances, the role of the king in national affairs, and increasing presence of Catholicism that many believed would lead to institutional popery. Entertainment, though, sanctioned by the king, tended to satirize the political environment in favor of the Court. Thus, “The Roundheads, the citizens, the Presbyterians, the opposers of the Crown, above all the foremost Liberal of the day, Anthony Ashley Cooper, later the Earl of Shaftesbury, were fair game” and frequently the object of ridicule.

At the same time, complaints were getting louder in the Province of Carolina. Citizens reacted fiercely to both the Navigation Acts, which dictated trade routes throughout North America, and the territorial government’s failure to protect the colonists from Indians, pirates, and other invading forces. These resentments culminated in Culpeper’s Rebellion in 1677, lasting about one year until the rebellion leader’s arrest in England.

Cooper founded the Whig Party in 1678 in order to contest the king’s ideal of absolute rule in favor of constitutional monarchy. A few historians are wary of using the term “founder” when referring to Cooper, but it is generally agreed upon that he was the key player leading the party’s strategy in Parliament. Cooper spearheaded the passage of the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, at which point the king had already tried to bribe individuals, including Governor Henry Wilkinson, who would incriminate Cooper in a plot to seize the Crown. Tensions quickly rose, and Charles II charged Cooper with high treason in 1681, forcing him to leave England forever.

Cooper’s health deteriorated during his emigration voyage to Amsterdam. Expecting the worst only a few months later, he drew up a will. In it, he wrote a poetic reminiscence of his life: “Yet still, in every state, I walk’d secure, grave with the king. . .Thus, all my shams discover’d, I, poor I, was forced to, although my wings were clip’d, to flie. Nay, though no legs I had, my gate was fleet, oblig’d to travel, though I had no feet from justice (all my crimes laid at my door) found power to run, who cou’d not crawl before”. Cooper died on January 21, 1683. Shippers carried his body back to Dorset three weeks later, where he lays at the place of his birth, Wimborne St. Giles.


Anthony Ashley Cooper (1621-1683) was a man of great talent and ambition who rose from being the son of two wealthy gentry families in Hampshire and Dorset to become Lord Chancellor and one of the most influential political figures of his day. An intimate friend of Locke, he was a man of wide intellectual interests. His remarkable career came to an end when his support of the Duke of Monmouth was revealed, and he fled to Amsterdam where he died less than two months later.

The present bust of Shaftesbury, executed around the year 1732 by Rysbrack, is a posthumous portrait based upon a miniature by Samuel Cooper which was, itself, commissioned around the time that Shaftesbury was made Lord Chancellor in 1672 (for a discussion of the miniature see Cooper, loc. cit. ). The terracotta served as a model for the marble bust which adorns Shaftesbury's monument in the church at Wimborne St. Giles. A drawing by Rysbrack of the monument exists in The Soane Museum, London.

Michael Rysbrack was the leading sculptor and portraitist of his day, and one of the most important artistic personalities in Georgian England. In the case of the present terracotta, the positioning of the head, and the general facial features relate quite closely to Cooper's miniature. However, Rysbrack manages more successfully to convey Shaftesbury's considerable charisma while simultaneously suggesting a certain ruthless determination. The luxuriant hair and open-necked shirt - which differs from Rysbrack's drawing in the Soane Museum where he is depicted dressed as a Roman - strengthen the image of Shaftesbury as a formidable personality of the Restoration era.


Contents [ edit | edit source ]

[edit] Early life, 1621-1640 [ edit | edit source ]

[1][2]Location of Dorset in England. Anthony Ashley Cooper was born in Dorset in 1621, and he would maintain important links with Dorset throughout his political career.Cooper was born on July 22, 1621, at the home of his maternal grandfather, Sir Anthony Ashley, 1st Baronet (d. 1628) in Wimborne St Giles, Dorset. [1] He was the eldest son and successor of Sir John Cooper, 1st Baronet, of Rockbourne in Hampshire, and his mother was the former Anne Ashley, daughter and sole heiress of Sir Anthony Ashley. [1] He was named Anthony Ashley Cooper because of a promise the couple had made to Sir Anthony. [1] Although Sir Anthony Ashley was of minor gentry stock, he had served as Secretary at War in the reign of Queen Elizabeth I, and in 1622, two years after the death of his first wife, Sir Anthony Ashley married the 19-year-old Philippa Sheldon (51 years his junior), a relative of George Villiers, Marquess of Buckingham, thus cementing relations with the most powerful man at court. [1] Cooper's father was created a baronet in 1622, and he represented Poole in the parliaments of 1625 and 1628, supporting the attack on Richard Neile, Bishop of Winchester for his Arminian tendencies. [1] Sir Anthony Ashley insisted that a man with Puritan leanings, Aaron Guerdon, be chosen as Cooper's first tutor. [1]

Cooper's mother died in 1628. In 1629, his father remarried, this time to the widowed Mary Moryson, one of the daughters of wealthy London textile merchant Baptist Hicks and co-heir of his fortune. [1] Through his stepmother, Cooper thus gained an important political connection in the form of her grandson, the future 1st Earl of Essex. Cooper's father died in 1630, leaving Cooper a wealthy orphan. [1] Upon his father's death, he inherited his father's baronetcy and was now Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper.

Sir John Cooper had held his lands in knight-service, so Cooper's inheritance now came under the authority of the Court of Wards. [1] The trustees whom Sir John had appointed to administer his estate, his brother-in-law (Anthony Ashley Cooper's uncle by marriage) Edward Tooker and his colleague from the House of Commons, Sir Daniel Norton, purchased Cooper's wardship from the king, but they remained unable to sell Cooper's land without permission of the Court of Wards because, on his death, Sir John Cooper had left some ₤35,000 in gambling debts. [1] The Court of Wards ordered the sale of the best of Sir John's lands to pay his debts, with several sales commissioners picking up choice properties at £20,000 less than their market value, a circumstance which led Cooper to hate the Court of Wards as a corrupt institution. [1]

Cooper was sent to live with his father's trustee Sir Daniel Norton in Southwick, Hampshire (near Portsmouth). Norton had joined in Sir John Cooper's denunciation of Arminianism in the 1628-29 parliament, and Norton chose a man with Puritan leanings named Fletcher as Cooper's tutor. [1] [3][4]The Gate of Lincoln's Inn. Cooper attended Lincoln's Inn, beginning in 1638, to receive an education in the laws of England. Throughout his political career, Cooper would pose as a defender of the rule of law, at various points in his career breaking with both Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) and Charles II (1630-1685) when he perceived they were subverting the rule of law and introducing arbitrary government.Sir Daniel died in 1636, and Cooper was sent to live with his father's other trustee, Edward Tooker, at Maddington, near Salisbury. Here his tutor was a man with an MA from Oriel College, Oxford. [1]

In March 1637, Cooper entered Exeter College, Oxford, where he studied under its master, the Regius Professor of Divinity, John Prideaux, a Calvinist with vehemently anti-Arminian tendencies. [1] While there he fomented a minor riot and left without taking a degree nevertheless, he was admitted into Lincoln's Inn. [2] In February 1638, Cooper entered Lincoln's Inn, where he was exposed to the Puritan preaching of chaplains Edward Reynolds and Joseph Caryl. [1]

On February 25, 1639, aged 19, Cooper married Margaret Coventry, daughter of Thomas Coventry, 1st Baron Coventry, who was then serving as Lord Keeper of the Great Seal for Charles I. [1] As Cooper was still a minor, the young couple moved into Lord Coventry's residences of Durham House in the Strand, London and at Canonbury in Islington. [1]

[edit] Early political career, 1640-1660 [ edit | edit source ]

[edit] Parliament, 1640-1642 [ edit | edit source ]

[5][6]Cooper's father-in-law Thomas Coventry, 1st Baron Coventry (1578-1640), who served as Lord Keeper of the Great Seal 1625-1640. Cooper first entered politics under Lord Coventry's tutelage.In March 1640, while still a minor, Sir Anthony was elected to the Short Parliament for the borough of Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire through the influence of Lord Coventry. [1]

In October 1640, with opinion in the country swinging against the king's supporters (including Coventry), Cooper was not asked to stand for election for Tewkesbury in the Long Parliament. [1] He contested, and by some accounts, won a by-election to the seat of Downton in Wiltshire, but Denzil Holles, soon to rise to prominence as a leader of the opposition to the King and a personal rival of Sir Anthony, blocked Cooper's admission to the Parliament. [1] It was probably feared that Sir Anthony, as a result of his recent marriage to the daughter of Charles I's Lord Keeper, Coventry, would be too sympathetic to the king. [1]

[edit] Royalist, 1642-1644 [ edit | edit source ]

When the Civil War began in 1642, Sir Anthony initially supported the King (somewhat echoing Holles's concerns). After a period of vacillating, in summer 1643, at his own expense, Sir Anthony raised a regiment of foot and a troop of horse, serving as their colonel and captain respectively. [1] Following the Royalist victory at the Battle of Roundway Down on July 13, 1643, Cooper was one of three commissioners appointed to negotiate the surrender of Dorchester. [1] Cooper negotiated a deal whereby Dorchester agreed to surrender in exchange for being spared plunder and punishment. [1] However, troops under Prince Maurice von Simmern soon arrived and plundered Dorchester and Weymouth, Dorset anyway, leading to heated words between Cooper and Prince Maurice. [1] [7][8]Prince Maurice von Simmern (1620-1652), depicted as Mercury. During his time as a Royalist, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper quarreled with Prince Maurice after Maurice's troops plundered Dorchester even though Cooper had negotiated a peaceful surrender of Dorchester to royalist forces. Prince Maurice then attempted to block Cooper's appointment as governor of Weymouth and Portland.William Seymour, Marquess of Hertford, the commander of the Royalist forces in the west, had recommended Cooper be appointed governor of Weymouth and Portland, but Prince Maurice intervened to block the appointment, on grounds of Cooper's alleged youth and inexperience. [1] Cooper appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Edward Hyde Hyde arranged a compromise whereby Cooper would be appointed as governor but resign as soon as it was possible to do so without losing face. [1] Cooper was promised that upon resigning as governor, he would be made High Sheriff of Dorset and president of the council of war for Dorset, both of which were offices more prestigious than the governorship. Cooper spent the remainder of 1643 as governor of Weymouth and Portland. [1]

[edit] Parliamentarian, 1644-1652 [ edit | edit source ]

In early 1644, Cooper resigned all of his posts under the king, and traveled to Hurst Castle, the headquarters of the Parliamentarians. [1] Called before the Committee of Both Kingdoms, on March 6, 1644, he explained that he believed that Charles I was now being influenced by Roman Catholic influences (Catholics were increasingly prominent at Charles' court, and he had recently signed a truce with Irish Catholic rebels) and that he believed Charles had no intention of "promoting or preserving. the Protestant religion and the liberties of the kingdom" and that he therefore believed the parliamentary cause was just, and he offered to take the Solemn League and Covenant. [1]

In July 1644, the House of Commons gave Cooper permission to leave London, and he soon joined parliamentary forces in Dorset. [1] After participating in a campaign, in August, parliament appointed him to the committee governing the army in Dorset. [1] Cooper participated in fighting throughout 1644. [1] However, in 1645, with the passing of the Self-denying Ordinance, Cooper chose to resign his commissions in the parliamentary army (which was, at any rate, being supplanted by the creation of the New Model Army) in order to preserve his claim to be the rightful member for Downton. [1] He nevertheless continued to be active in the Dorset committee as a civil member. [1]

It was during this period that Cooper first expressed an interest in overseas plantations, investing in a plantation in Barbados in 1646. [1]

Little is known of Cooper's activities in the late 1640s. It is often assumed that he supported the Presbyterians against the Independents, and, as such, opposed the regicide of Charles I. [1] Nevertheless, he was willing to work with the new regime, accepting a commission as justice of the peace for Wiltshire and Dorset in February 1649. [1] What's more, in February 1650, he not only took the oath to loyalty to the new regime, he was a member of a commission that tendered the oath. [1]

Cooper's first wife, Margaret, died on July 10, 1649 the couple had had no children. [1] Less than a year later, on April 15, 1650, Cooper re-married, to seventeen-year-old Lady Frances Cecil (1633–1652), daughter of David Cecil, 3rd Earl of Exeter. [1] The couple had two children, one of whom, Anthony, lived to adulthood. [1] Frances died on December 31, 1652, aged only 19. [1]

[edit] Statesman under the Commonwealth of England and the Protectorate, 1652-1660 [ edit | edit source ]

On January 17, 1652, the Rump Parliament appointed Cooper to the committee on law reform chaired by Sir Matthew Hale (the so-called Hale Commission, none of whose moderate proposals were ever enacted). [1]

In March 1653, the Rump issued a full pardon for his time as a Royalist, opening the way for his return to public office. Following the dissolution of the Rump in April 1653, Oliver Cromwell and the Army Council nominated Cooper to serve in Barebone's Parliament as member for Wiltshire. [1] On July 14, Cromwell appointed Cooper to the English Council of State, where he was a member of the Committee for the Business of the Law, which was intended to continue the reform work of the Hale Commission. [1] Cooper aligned himself with the moderates in Barebone's Parliament, voting against the abolition of tithes. [1] He was one of the members who voted to dissolve Barebone's Parliament on December 12, 1653 rather than acquiesce to the abolition of tithes. [1] [9][10]Depiction of Stonehenge in the Atlas van Loon (1649). So many voters turned up for the Wiltshire election in 1654, that the poll had to be switched from Wilton to Stonehenge. Cooper won the election.When the Instrument of Government gave England a new constitution 4 days later, Cooper was again named to the Council of State. [1] During the elections for the First Protectorate Parliament in summer 1654, Cooper headed a slate of ten candidates who squared off in Wiltshire against 10 republican MPs headed by Edmund Ludlow. [1] At the day of the election, so many voters turned up that the poll had to be switched from Wilton to Stonehenge. [1] Cooper's slate of candidates prevailed, although Ludlow alleged his party was in the majority. Although Cooper was generally supportive of Cromwell during the First Protectorate Parliament (he voted in favour of making Cromwell king in December 1654), he grew worried that Cromwell was growing inclined to rule through the Army rather than through Parliament. [1] This led Cooper to break with Cromwell: in early January 1655, he stopped attending Council and introduced a resolution in parliament making it illegal to collect or pay revenue not authorized by parliament. Cromwell dissolved this parliament on January 22, 1655. [1]

The exiled Charles II, hearing of Cooper's break with Cromwell, wrote to Cooper saying that he would pardon Cooper for fighting against the crown if he would now help to effectuate a restoration of the monarchy. [1] Cooper did not respond, nor did he participate in the Penruddock uprising in March 1655. [1]

On August 30, 1655, Cooper married his third wife, Margaret Spencer (1627–1693), daughter of William Spencer, 2nd Baron Spencer of Wormleighton and sister of Henry Spencer, 1st Earl of Sunderland. [1] The marriage appears to have been happy, though the couple had no children. [1]

Cooper was again elected as a member for Wiltshire in the Second Protectorate Parliament, though when the parliament met on September 17, 1656, Cooper was one of 100 members whom the Council of State excluded from the parliament. [1] Cooper was one of 65 excluded members to sign a petition protesting their exclusion that was delivered by Sir George Booth. [1] Cooper did eventually take his seat in the parliament on January 20, 1658, after Cromwell accepted an amended version of the Humble Petition and Advice that stipulated that the excluded members could return to parliament. Upon his return to the house, Cooper spoke out against Cromwell's Other House. [1] [11][12]Portrait miniature of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper by Samuel Cooper.Cooper was elected to the Third Protectorate Parliament in early 1659 as member for Wiltshire. During the debates in this parliament, Cooper sided with the republicans who opposed the Humble Petition and Advice and insisted that the bill recognizing Richard Cromwell as Protector should limit his control over the militia and eliminate the protector's ability to veto legislation. [1] Cooper again spoke out against the Other House (consisting of new lords), and in favour of restoring the old House of Lords. [1]

When Richard Cromwell dissolved parliament on April 22, 1659 and recalled the Rump Parliament (dissolved by Oliver Cromwell in 1653), Cooper attempted to revive his claim to sit as member for Downton. He was also re-appointed to the Council of State at this time. [1] Throughout this time, many accused Cooper of harboring royalist sympathies, but Cooper denied this. [1] In August 1659, Cooper was arrested for complicity in Sir George Booth's Presbyterian royalist uprising in Cheshire, but in September the Council found him not guilty of any involvement. [1]

In October 1659, the New Model Army dissolved the Rump Parliament and replaced the Council of State with its own Committee of Safety. [1] Cooper, republicans Sir Arthur Haselrig and Henry Neville and 6 other members of the Council of State continued to meet in secret, referring to themselves as the rightful Council of State. [1] This secret Council of State came to see Sir George Monck, commander of the forces in Scotland as the best hope to restore the Rump, and Cooper and Haselrig met with Monck's commissioners, urging them to restore the Rump. Cooper was involved in several plots to launch pro-Rump uprisings at this time. [1] This proved unnecessary as, on December 23, 1659, troops resolved to stand by the Rump and the Council of State and disobey the Committee of Safety. [1] The Rump Parliament reassembled on December 26, 1659, and on January 2, 1660, Cooper was elected to the Council of State. [1] On January 7, 1659, a special committee reported back on the disputed 1640 Downton election and Cooper was finally allowed to take his seat as member for Downton. [1] [13][14]Sir George Monck (1608-1670). In the complicated politics of 1659, Cooper was in contact with Monck, encouraging him to march on London and then to recall the Long Parliament, and ultimately restore the English monarchy.Upon General Monck's march into London, Monck was displeased that the Rump Parliament was not prepared to confirm him as commander-in-chief of the army. [1] On Cooper's urging, Monck's troops marched into London and Monck sent parliament a letter insisting that the vacant seats in the Rump Parliament be filled by-elections. [1] When the Rump insisted on placing restrictions on who could stand in these by-elections, Cooper urged Monck to instead insist on the return of the members of the Long Parliament secluded by Pride's Purge, and Monck obliged on February 21, 1660. [1] Two days later, the restored Long Parliament again elected Cooper to the Council of State. On March 16, 1660, the Long Parliament finally voted its own dissolution. [1]

Beginning in spring 1660, Cooper drew closer to the royalist cause. As late as mid-April, Cooper appears to have favoured only a conditional restoration. However on April 25, 1660, as MP for Wiltshire in the Convention Parliament, he voted in favour of an unconditional restoration. [1] On May 8, the Convention Parliament appointed Cooper as one of twelve members to travel to The Hague to invite Charles II to return to England. [1]

[edit] Restoration politician, 1660-1683 [ edit | edit source ]

Cooper returned to England with Charles in late May. [1] On the recommendation of General Monck and Cooper's wife's uncle, Thomas Wriothesley, 4th Earl of Southampton, Charles appointed Cooper to his privy council on May 27, 1660. [1] Cooper took advantage of the Declaration of Breda and was formally pardoned for his support of the English Commonwealth on June 27, 1660. [1] During this period, he helped reorganize the privy council's committee on trade and plantations. [1]

Cooper thus became a spokesman for the government in the Convention Parliament. [1] However, during the debates on the Indemnity and Oblivion Bill, Cooper urged lenity for those who had sided with Parliament during the English Civil Wars or collaborated with the Cromwellian regime. [1] He argued that only those individuals who had personal involvement in the decision to execute Charles I by participating in his trial and execution should be exempt from the general pardon. [1] This view prevailed. After the Indemnity and Oblivion Act became law on August 29, 1660, Cooper sat on the special commission that tried the regicides, and in this capacity took part in sentencing to death several colleagues with whom he had collaborated during the years of the English Interregnum, including Hugh Peters, Thomas Harrison, and Thomas Scot. [1] As a long-time foe of the Court of Wards, during the debate on the Tenures Abolition Bill, Cooper supported continuing the excise imposed by the Long Parliament to compensate the crown for the loss of revenues associated with the abolition of the court. [1] [15][16]Charles II of England (1630-1685) in his coronation robes, 1661. Cooper was one of twelve members of Parliament who travelled to the Dutch Republic to invite Charles to return to England, and in 1661, Charles created Cooper Lord Ashley.On April 20, 1661, three days before his coronation at Westminster Abbey, Charles II announced his coronation honours, and in those honours he created Cooper Baron Ashley of Wimborne St Giles. [1]

[edit] Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1661-1672 [ edit | edit source ]

Following the coronation, the Cavalier Parliament met beginning on May 8, 1661. Lord Ashley took his seat in the House of Lords on May 11. [1] On May 11, the king appointed Ashley as his Chancellor of the Exchequer and under-treasurer (Southampton, Ashley's uncle by marriage, was then Lord High Treasurer). [1]

In 1661-1662, Ashley opposed Charles' marriage to Catherine of Braganza because the marriage would involve supporting the Kingdom of Portugal, and Portugal's ally France, in Portugal's struggle against Spain. [1] Ashley was opposed to a policy that moved England into the French orbit. [1] During this debate, Ashley opposed the policy engineered by Charles' Lord Chancellor, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon, thus beginning what would prove to be a long-running political rivalry with Clarendon. [1]

When the Cavalier Parliament set about enacting the Clarendon Code, Ashley supported a policy of moderation towards Protestant dissenters. [1] In July 1662, Ashley sponsored an amendment to the Act of Uniformity that would have allowed Protestant Non-Conformists to allow for late subscription, giving moderate dissenters an additional opportunity to conform. In the latter half of 1662, Ashley joined Sir Henry Bennet, the Earl of Bristol, and Lord Robartes in urging Charles to dispense peaceable Protestant Non-Conformists and loyal Catholics from the Act of Uniformity. [1] This led to Charles issuing his first Declaration of Indulgence on December 26, 1662. [1] The Cavalier Parliament forced Charles to withdraw this declaration in February 1663. [1] Ashley then supported Lord Robartes' Dispensing Bill, which would have dispensed Protestant Non-Conformists, but not Catholics, from the Act of Uniformity. [1] During the debate on the Dispensing Bill in the House of Lords, Ashley criticized Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon, Charles' Lord Chancellor, for opposing the royal prerogative to dispense with laws. Clarendon remarked that in his opinion, the declaration was "Ship-Money in religion". [1] The king looked favorably on Ashley's remarks and was displeased by Clarendon's. [1] [17][18]Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon (1609-1674), Charles II's Lord Chancellor 1658-1667. Ashley clashed with Clarendon throughout the 1660s, but Ashley refused to support the impeachment of Clarendon in 1667.In May 1663, Ashley was one of eight Lords Proprietors (Lord Clarendon was one of the others) given title to a huge tract of land in North America, which eventually became the Province of Carolina, named in honor of King Charles. [1]

By early 1664, Ashley was a member of the circle of John Maitland, 1st Duke of Lauderdale, who ranged themselves in opposition to Lord Clarendon.

During the debate on the Conventicle Bill in May 1664, Ashley proposed mitigating the harshness of the penalties initially suggested by the House of Commons. [1]

Throughout late 1664 and 1665, Ashley was increasingly in the royal favour. [1] For example, in August 1665, the king paid a surprise visit to Ashley at Wimborne St Giles, and, during a later visit, introduced Ashley to his illegitimate son James Scott, 1st Duke of Monmouth. [1]

The Second Anglo–Dutch War began on March 4, 1665. [1] During the parliamentary session of October 1665, Sir George Downing, 1st Baronet proposed that the use of funds voted to the crown should be restricted to the sole purpose of carrying on the war. [1] Ashley opposed this proposal on the grounds that crown ministers should have flexibility in deciding how to use money received from parliamentary taxation. [1]

In the 1666-1667 parliamentary session, Ashley supported the Irish Cattle Bill, introduced by the Duke of Buckingham, which prevented the importation of Irish cattle into England. [1] During the course of this debate, Ashley attacked Charles' Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormonde. [1] During this debate, he suggested that Irish peers such as Ormonde should have no precedence over English commoners. [1] The debate over the Irish Cattle Bill marks the first time that Ashley began to break with the court over an issue of policy. [1] [19][20]A rough picture of a young Shaftesbury, when he was known as Lord Ashley.In October 1666, Ashley met John Locke, who would in time become his personal secretary. [1] Ashley had gone to Oxford seeking treatment for a liver infection. There he was impressed with Locke and persuaded the gifted young man to become part of his retinue. Locke had been looking for a career and in spring 1667 moved into Ashley's home at Exeter House in London, ostensibly as the household physician.

When Southampton died in May 1667, Ashley, as under-treasurer, was expected to succeed Southampton as Lord High Treasurer. [1] Charles, however, decided to replace Southampton with a nine-man Commission of the Treasury, headed by the Duke of Albemarle as First Lord of the Treasury. [1] Ashley was named as one of the nine Treasury Commissioners at this time. [1]

The failures of the English during the Second Anglo-Dutch War led Charles II to lose faith in the Earl of Clarendon, who was dismissed as Lord Chancellor on August 31, 1667. [1] The court then moved to impeach Clarendon, supported by many of Ashley's former political allies (including George Villiers, 2nd Duke of Buckingham, George Digby, 2nd Earl of Bristol, and Sir Henry Bennett, who by this point had been created Henry Bennet, 1st Earl of Arlington). [1] Ashley, however, refused to join in the fight against Clarendon, opposing a motion to have Clarendon committed to the Tower of London on a charge of treason. [1]

After the fall of Lord Clarendon in 1667, Lord Ashley became a prominent member of the Cabal, in which he formed the second "A". [1] Although the term "Cabal Ministry" is used by historians, in reality, the five members of the Cabal (Clifford, Arlington, Buckingham, Ashley, and Lauderdale) never formed a coherent ministerial team. [1] In the period immediately after the fall of Clarendon, the government was dominated by Arlington and Buckingham, and Ashley was out of royal favor and not admitted to the most powerful group of royal advisors, the privy council's committee on foreign affairs. [1] Nevertheless, Ashley joined Arlington and Buckingham, as well as John Wilkins, Bishop of Chester, in introducing government-backed bills in October 1667 and February 1668 to comprehend moderate dissenters within the Church of England. [1] Nothing came of these bills, however. [1] In January 1668, the privy council's committees were reorganized, but Ashley retained a prominent position on the committee for trade and plantations. [1]

[24]Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Baron Ashley of Wimborne St Giles (1621-1683). [25]

In May 1668, Ashley became ill, apparently with a hydatid cyst. [1] His secretary, John Locke, recommended an operation that almost certainly saved Ashley's life. [1] Ashley was grateful to Locke for the rest of his life. [1] As part of the operation, a tube was inserted to drain fluid from the abscess, and after the operation, the physician left the tube in the body, and installed a copper tap to allow for possible future drainage. [1] In later years, this would be the occasion for his Tory enemies to dub him "Tapski", with the Polish ending because Tories accused him of wanting to make England an elective monarchy like the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. [1]

In 1669, Ashley supported Arlington and Buckingham's proposal for a political union of England with the Kingdom of Scotland, although this proposal floundered when the Scottish insisted on equal representation with the English in parliament. [1] Ashley likely did not support the Conventicles Act of 1670, but he did not sign the formal protest against the passage of the act either. [1]

Ashley, in his role as one of the eight Lords Proprietor of the Province of Carolina, along with his secretary, John Locke, drafted the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, which were adopted by the eight Lords Proprietor in March 1669. [1]

By this point, it had become obvious that the queen, Catherine of Braganza, was barren and would never produce an heir, making the king's brother, James, Duke of York heir to the throne, which worried Ashley because he suspected that James was a Roman Catholic. [1] Ashley, Buckingham, and Charles Howard, 1st Earl of Carlisle urged Charles to declare his illegitimate son, the Duke of Monmouth, legitimate. [1] When it became clear that Charles would not do so, they urged Charles to divorce Catherine and remarry. [1] This was the background to the famous Roos debate case: John Manners, Lord Roos had obtained a separation from bed and board from his wife in 1663, after he discovered she was committing adultery, and he had also been granted a divorce by an ecclesiastical court and had Lady Roos' children declared illegitimate. In March 1670, Lord Roos asked Parliament to allow him to remarry. The debate on the Roos divorce bill became politically charged because it impacted whether Parliament could legally allow Charles to remarry. [1] During the debate, Ashley spoke out strongly in favor of the Ross divorce bill, arguing that marriage was a civil contract, not a sacrament. [1] Parliament ultimately gave Lord Roos permission to remarry, but Charles II never attempted to divorce his wife. [27][28]Princess Henrietta of England (1644-1670), sister of Charles II, who arranged the Secret Treaty of Dover in May 1670 Ashley was not told about the Catholic clauses contained in the Secret Treaty of Dover, and, in order to fool Ashley, Buckingham, and Lauderdale, a second, public Treaty of Dover was signed in December 1670.Ashley did not know about the Secret Treaty of Dover, arranged by Charles II's sister Henrietta Anne Stuart and signed May 22, 1670, whereby Charles II concluded an alliance with Louis XIV of France against the Dutch Republic. Under the terms of the Secret Treaty of Dover, Charles would receive an annual subsidy from France (to enable him to govern without calling a parliament) in exchange for a promise that he would convert to Catholicism and re-Catholicize England at an unspecified future date. [1] Of the members of the Cabal, only Arlington and Clifford were aware of the Catholic Clauses contained in the Secret Treaty of Dover. [1] For the benefit of Ashley, Buckingham, and Lauderdale, Charles II arranged a mock treaty (traité simulé) concluding an alliance with France. Although he was suspicious of France, Ashley was also wary of Dutch commercial competition, and he therefore signed the mock Treaty of Dover on December 21, 1670. [1]

Throughout 1671, Ashley argued in favour of reducing the duty on sugar imports, arguing that the duty would have an adverse effect on colonial sugar planters. [1]

In September 1671, Ashley and Clifford oversaw a massive reform of England's customs system, whereby customs farmers were replaced with royal commissioners responsible for collecting customs. [1] This change was ultimately to the benefit of the crown, but it caused a short-term loss of revenues that led to the Great Stop of the Exchequer. [1] Ashley was widely blamed for the Great Stop of the Exchequer, although Clifford was the chief advocate of stopping the exchequer and Ashley in fact opposed the move. [1]

In early 1672, with the Third Anglo–Dutch War looming, many in the government feared that Protestant dissenters in England would form a fifth column and support their Dutch co-religionists against England. [1] In an attempt to conciliate the nonconformists, on March 15, 1672, Charles II issued his Royal Declaration of Indulgence, suspending the penal laws that punished non-attendance at Church of England services. Ashley strongly supported this Declaration. [1]

According to the terms of the Treaty of Dover, England declared war on the Dutch Republic on April 7, 1672, thus launching the Third Anglo-Dutch War. [1] To accompany the commencement of the war, Charles issued a new round of honours, as part of which Ashley was named Earl of Shaftesbury and Baron Cooper of Paulet on April 23, 1672. [1]

In autumn 1672, Shaftesbury played a key role in setting up the Bahamas Adventurers' Company. [1]

[edit] Lord Chancellor, 1672-1673 [ edit | edit source ]

On November 17, 1672, the king named Shaftesbury Lord Chancellor of England [1] , with Sir John Duncombe replacing Shaftesbury as Chancellor of the Exchequer. As Lord Chancellor, he addressed the opening of a new session of the Cavalier Parliament on February 4, 1673, calling on parliament to vote funds sufficient to carry out the war, arguing that the Dutch were the enemy of monarchy and England's only major trade rival, and therefore had to be destroyed (at one point he exclaimed "Delenda est Carthago") defending the Great Stop of the Exchequer and arguing in support of the Royal Declaration of Indulgence. [1]

Shaftesbury was not, however, well received by the House of Commons. One of Shaftesbury's old Dorset rivals, Colonel Giles Strangways, led an attack on writs of election that Lord Chancellor Shaftesbury had issued to fill 36 vacant seats in the House of Commons Strangways argued that Shaftesbury was attempting to pack the Commons with his supporters and that only the Speaker of the House could issue writs to fill the vacant seats. [1] The House of Commons agreed with Strangways and declared the elections void and the seats vacant. [1] Furthermore, the Commons attacked the Declaration of Indulgence and demanded its withdrawal. [1] Charles ultimately withdrew the address and canceled the Declaration of Indulgence. [1] [29][30]Shaftesbury in the robes of the Lord Chancellor, ca. 1672-1673.The Commons then proceeded to pass an address condemning the growth of popery in England. [1] To shore up the Protestantism of the nation, Parliament passed the Test Act of 1673, which became law on March 20, 1673. [1] The Test Act required all holders of civil and military office in England to take communion in the Church of England at least once a year and to make a declaration renouncing the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation. [1] Shaftesbury supported the Test Act, and, alongside James Scott, 1st Duke of Monmouth, received the sacrament at St Clement Danes, with John Locke serving as the legal witness for each man's conformity with the Test Act. [1] In March 1673, Shaftesbury supported a bill for easing the plight of the Protestant dissenters in England, but nothing came of this bill. [1]

Following the failure of the Declaration of Indulgence and the passage of the Test Act, it was obvious to all that the Cabal Ministry's days were numbered. [1] Shaftesbury moved closer to the parliamentary opposition during this period, and became a supporter of ending the Third Anglo-Dutch War. [1]

The Duke of York failed to take the Anglican sacrament at Easter 1673, further heightening Shaftesbury's concern that he was secretly a Catholic. [1] Shaftesbury was initially mollified by the fact that both of the Duke of York's daughters, Mary and Anne, were committed Protestants. [1] However, in autumn 1673, the Duke of York married the Catholic Mary of Modena by proxy, thus raising the specter that James might have a son who would succeed to the throne ahead of Mary and Anne and thus give rise to a never-ending succession of Catholic monarchs. [1] York urged the king to prorogue parliament before it could vote on a motion condemning his marriage to Mary of Modena, but Shaftesbury used procedural techniques in the House of Lords to ensure that parliament continued sitting long enough to allow the House of Commons to pass a motion condemning the match. [1] Shaftesbury, Arlington, James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormonde, and Henry Coventry all urged Charles II to divorce Catherine of Braganza and re-marry a Protestant princess. [1] York began denouncing Shaftesbury to Charles II, and Charles II decided to remove Shaftesbury from his post as Lord Chancellor. [1] On November 9, 1673, Henry Coventry travelled to Exeter House to inform Shaftesbury that he was relieved of his post as Lord Chancellor, but also issuing him a royal pardon for all crimes committed before November 5, 1673. [1]

[edit] Opposition to Catholicism and break with Charles II, 1673-1674 [ edit | edit source ]

[31][32]Denzil Holles, 1st Baron Holles (1599-1680), whose London home was used by opposition peers to strategize against the growth of Catholic influence in England.Following Shaftesbury's fall from royal favour, Arlington attempted to effect a reconciliation, in November 1673 convincing the French ambassador to offer Shaftesbury a bribe in exchange for supporting the French party at court. [1] Shaftesbury refused this offer, saying he could never support "an interest that was so apparently destructive to [England's] religion and trade." [1] Instead, he allied himself with the Spanish party at court, and urged peace with the Netherlands. [1] He also continued to urge the king to divorce and re-marry. [1]

In the session of the Cavalier Parliament that began on January 7, 1674, Shaftesbury led the charge to keep England free from popery. [1] He coordinated his efforts with a group of other peers who were displeased with the possibility of a Catholic succession this group met at the home of Denzil Holles, 1st Baron Holles, and included Charles Howard, 1st Earl of Carlisle, Thomas Belasyse, 2nd Viscount Fauconberg, James Cecil, 3rd Earl of Salisbury, George Villiers, 2nd Duke of Buckingham, and George Savile, 1st Viscount Halifax. [1] On January 8, 1674, Shaftesbury gave a speech in the House of Lords warning that the 16,000 Catholics living in London were on the verge of rebellion, which caused the Lords to pass an address expelling all Catholics from within 10 miles of London. [1] On January 12, he introduced a measure that would require every peer, including the Duke of York, to take the Oath of Allegiance renouncing the pope and recognizing the royal supremacy in the church (the oath was first required by the Popish Recusants Act of 1605). [1] On January 24, the Earl of Salisbury introduced a bill requiring that any children of the duke of York should be raised Protestants. [1] His proposed legislation further provided that neither the king nor any prince of the blood could marry a Catholic without parliamentary consent, on pain of being excluded from the royal succession. [1] Shaftesbury spoke forcefully in favour of Salisbury's proposal he was opposed by the bishops and Lord Finch. [1] By February, the opposition lords were considering accusing the duke of York of high treason, which resulted in the king proroguing parliament on February 24 in order to protect his brother. [1]

Shaftesbury's actions in the 1674 session further angered Charles II, so on May 19, 1674, Shaftesbury was expelled from the privy council, and subsequently sacked as Lord Lieutenant of Dorset and ordered to leave London. [1]

[edit] Leader of Opposition to Danby, 1674-1678 [ edit | edit source ]

[33][34]Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby (1631-1712), who became Charles II's main adviser following the fall of the Cabal Ministry, and who drew support from former Cavaliers and the supporters of the established Church of England.Charles II now turned to Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby. Danby proceeded to freeze out peers who had collaborated during the Cromwellian regime and promoted former royalists. [1] Danby was a champion of the Church of England who favoured strict interpretation of the penal laws against both Catholics and Protestant Non-Conformists. [1]

On February 3, 1675, Shaftesbury wrote a letter to Carlisle in which he argued that the king needed to dissolve the Cavalier Parliament, which had been elected in early 1661, and call fresh elections. [1] He argued that frequent parliamentary elections were in the best interest of both the crown and the people of England. [1] This letter circulated widely in manuscript form. [1]

The Duke of York was opposed to Danby's strict enforcement of the penal laws against Catholics, and by April 1675, he had reached out to Shaftesbury to effectuate a truce between them whereby they would be united in opposition to Danby's brand of Anglican royalism. [1] In late April 1675, Danby introduced a Test Oath by which all holding office or seats in either House of Parliament were to declare resistance to the royal power a crime, and promise to abstain from all attempts to alter the government of either church or state. [1] Shaftesbury led the parliamentary opposition to Danby's Test Bill, arguing that, under certain circumstances, it was lawful to resist the king's ministers, and that, as in the case of the Protestant Reformation, it was sometimes necessary to alter the church so as to restore it. [1]

In spite of Shaftesbury's eloquence, his view remained the minority view in the parliament, forcing the king to prorogue parliament on June 9, 1675 in order to avoid the passage of the bill. [1] The Duke of York, grateful for Shaftesbury's assistance in the debate against Danby's bill, now attempted to effectuate a reconciliation of Shaftesbury with the king, and Shaftesbury was admitted to kiss the king's hand on June 13, 1675. [1] This, however, angered Danby, who intervened with the king, and on June 24, the king again ordered Shaftesbury to leave court. [1]

In 1675, following the death of Sir Giles Strangways, MP for Dorset, Shaftesbury initially endorsed Lord Digby, son of George Digby, 2nd Earl of Bristol for the seat, but, upon learning that Digby was a strong supporter of the court, he decided to back Thomas Moore, who was the chief supporter of conventicles in the county. [1] This led to Shaftesbury making an enemy of both Digby and Bristol, who accused him of supporting sedition and faction and wanting a return of the English Commonwealth. [1]

Wikisource has original text related to this article:A Letter from a Person of Quality to His Friend in the Country

[35][36]John Locke (1632-1704), who probably participated in writing A Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend in the Country (1675).

Wikisource has original text related to this article:The Earl of Shaftsbury’s Speech in the House of Lords, upon the Debate of Appointing a Day for the Hearing Dr. Shirley’s Cause, the 20th of October, 1675

In summer 1675, Shaftesbury wrote a 15,000-word pamphlet entitled A Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend in the Country denouncing Danby's Test Bill. [1] (Shaftesbury's secretary, John Locke, appears to have played a role in drafting the Letter, although whether solely as amanuensis or in a more active role, perhaps even as ghostwriter, remains unclear.) [1] The Letter argued that since the time of the Restoration, "the High Episcopal Man, and the Old Cavalier" (now led by Danby) had conspired to make "the Government absolute and arbitrary." [1] According to the Letter, this party was attempting to establish divine right monarchy and divine right episcopacy, meaning that neither the king nor the bishops could be constrained by the rule of law. [1] Danby's Test Oath proposal was merely the latest, most nefarious attempt to introduce divine right monarchy and episcopacy on the country. The Letter went on to describe the debates of the House of Lords during the last session, setting forth the arguments that Shaftesbury and other lords used in opposition to Danby and the bishops. This letter was published anonymously in November 1675, and quickly became a bestseller, in no small part because it was one of the first books ever to inform the public about the debates that occurred within the House of Lords. [1]

Shaftesbury repeated the accusations of the Letter from a Person of Quality on the floor of the House of Lords during the parliamentary session of October-November 1675. [1] During the debate on the case of Shirley v. Fagg, a jurisdictional dispute about whether the House of Lords could hear appeals from lower courts when the case involved members of the House of Commons, Shaftesbury gave a celebrated speech on October 20, 1675. [1] He argued that Danby and the bishops were attempting to neuter the power of the House of Lords. [1] Shaftesbury argued that every king could only rule either through the nobility or through a standing army thus, this attempt to restrict the power of the nobility was part of a plot to rule the country through a standing army. [1] He argued that the bishops believed that the king was king by divine right, not by law and that, if the bishops' propositions were taken to their logical conclusion, "our Magna Charta is of no force, our Laws are but Rules amongst our selves during the Kings pleasure" and "All the Properties and Liberties of the People, are to give away, not onely to the interest, but the will and pleasure of the Crown." [1]

On November 20, 1675, Shaftesbury seconded a motion by Charles Mohun, 3rd Baron Mohun of Okehampton calling on the king to end the dispute of Shirley v. Fagg by dissolving parliament. [1] This motion, which was supported by the Duke of York and the Catholic peers, was defeated by a vote of 50-48, prompting Shaftesbury and 21 other peers to enter a protest on the grounds that "according to the ancient Lawes and Statutes of this Realm . there should be frequent and new Parliaments" and that the House of Commons was being unnecessarily obstructionist. [1] Parliament was prorogued on November 22, 1675, with the prorogation saying that parliament would not sit again until February 15, 1677. [1] Shortly thereafter, there appeared a pamphlet entitled Two Seasonable Discourses Concerning the Present Parliament, that argued that the king should call a new parliament because a new parliament would vote the king money, preserve the Church of England, introduce religious toleration for the Non-Conformists, and deliver Catholics from the penal laws in an exchange for Catholics being deprived of access to court, holding office, and the right to bear arms. [1]

In mid-February 1676, Charles sent his Secretary of State for the Southern Department, Sir Joseph Williamson to tell Shaftesbury to leave town. [1] Shaftesbury refused and continued to receive visits at Exeter House from opposition MPs and other discontented elements. [1] Danby argued that Charles should order Shaftesbury arrested and sent to the Tower of London, but Sir Joseph Williamson refused to sign the warrant. [1] In this period, Shaftesbury relocated from Exeter House to the less expensive Thanet House. [1]

On June 24, 1676, during the election of the Sheriffs of the City of London at the Guildhall, linen draper Francis Jenks gave a sensational speech arguing that two statutes from the reign of Edward III required that parliament sit every year, and that by proroguing the Cavalier Parliament until February 15, 1677 (meaning no session would be held in 1676 at all), the king had inadvertently dissolved parliament and that the Cavalier Parliament was now legally dissolved. [1] Although Buckingham, not Shaftesbury, was behind Jenks' speech, many suspected Shaftesbury's involvement after Jenks' speech, Shaftesbury decided to take full advantage of the argument, arranging with his allies for a number of pamphlets arguing the case. [1] One of these pamphlets, Some considerations upon the question, whether the parliament is dissolved, by its prorogation for 15 months? argued that parliament had the authority to restrict the royal prerogative and could even "bind, limit, restrain and govern the Descent and Inheritance of the Crown it self." [1] The Duke of York was furious at the inclusion of this argument Buckingham told York that Shaftesbury had drafted the controversial passage, but Shaftesbury claimed that the passage was inserted in the pamphlet without his knowledge. [1] [37][38]The Tower of London, where Shaftesbury was imprisoned from February 1677 to February 1678 after he refused to apologize for arguing that the Cavalier Parliament had been legally dissolved because it had not met in 1676.When parliament finally met on February 15, 1677, Buckingham, backed by Shaftesbury, Salisbury, and Philip Wharton, 4th Baron Wharton, introduced a motion declaring that, because of the 15-month prorogation, on the basis of the statutes from the reign of Edward III, no parliament was legally in existence. [1] Parliament not only rejected this argument, but also resolved that the four peers had committed Contempt of Parliament and should apologize. [1] When the four refused, they were committed to the Tower of London. [1] Shaftesbury petitioned for his release, and in June 1677, brought a writ of habeas corpus before the Court of King's Bench. [1] The court, however, determined that it lacked jurisdiction because Parliament, a superior court, was currently in session. [1] Charles ordered Buckingham, Salisbury, and Wharton released from the Tower shortly thereafter, but Shaftesbury continued to refuse to apologize. [1] Shaftesbury had grown increasingly suspicious of Charles II. [1] Charles had begun raising an army, ostensibly for war with France, but Shaftesbury worried that Charles was really preparing to abolish parliament and rule the country with a standing army on the model of Louis XIV of France. [1] It was not until February 25, 1678 that Shaftesbury finally apologized to the king and to parliament for his support of the motion in the House of Lords and for bringing a writ of habeas corpus against Parliament. [1]

With war with France looming, in March 1678, Shaftesbury, Buckingham, Holles, and Halifax spoke out in favour of immediately declaring war on France. [1] Charles delayed declaring war, however, leading Shaftesbury to support a resolution of the House of Commons providing for immediately disbanding the army that Charles was raising. [1] Charles prorogued parliament on June 25, but the army was not disbanded, which worried Shaftesbury. [1] [39][40]Titus Oates (1649-1705), whose accusations in autumn 1678 that there was a Popish Plot to murder the king and massacre English Protestants, set off a wave of anti-Catholic hysteria. Shaftesbury would play a prominent part in prosecuting the individuals whom Oates (falsely) accused of manufacturing this plot. The wave of anti-Catholic sentiment set off by Oates would be at the centre of Shaftesbury's political program during the Exclusion Crisis.In August and September 1678, Titus Oates made accusations that there was a Popish Plot to assassinate the king, overthrow the government, and massacre English Protestants. [1] It was later revealed that Oates had simply made up most of the details of the plot, and that there was no elaborate Popish Plot. However, when Parliament re-convened on October 21, 1678, Oates had not yet been discredited and the Popish Plot was the major topic of concern. Shaftesbury was a member of all the important committees of the House of Lords designed to combat the Popish Plot. [1] On November 2, 1678, he introduced a motion demanding that the Duke of York be removed from the king's presence, although this motion was never voted on. [1] He supported the Test Act of 1678, which required that all peers and members of the House of Commons should make a declaration against transubstantiation, invocation of saints, and the sacrifice of the mass, effectively excluding all Catholics from Parliament. [1] Oates had accused the queen, Mary of Modena, of involvement in the Popish Plot, leading the House of Commons to pass a resolution calling for the queen and her retinue to be removed from court when the House of Lords rejected this resolution, Shaftesbury entered a formal protest. [1] Shaftesbury was now gaining a great reputation amongst the common people as a Protestant hero. [1] On November 9, 1678, Charles promised that he would sign any bill that would make them safe during the reign of his successor, so long as they did not impeach the right of his successor this speech was widely misreported as Charles' having agreed to name the Duke of Monmouth as his successor, leading to celebratory bonfires throughout London, with crowds drinking the health of "the King, the Duke of Monmouth, and Earl of Shaftesbury, as the only three pillars of all safety." [1] The citizens of London, fearing a Catholic plot on Shaftesbury's life, paid for a special guard to protect him. [1]

In December 1678, discussion turned to impeaching the Earl of Danby, and, in order to protect his minister, Charles II prorogued parliament on December 30, 1678. [1] On January 24, 1679, Charles II finally dissolved the Cavalier Parliament, which had sat for 18 years. [1]

[edit] The Exclusion Crisis and the birth of the Whig Party, 1679-1683 [ edit | edit source ]

[edit] The Habeas Corpus Parliament, 1679 [ edit | edit source ]

In February 1679, elections were held for a new parliament, known to history as the Habeas Corpus Parliament. [1] In preparation for this parliament, Shaftesbury drew up a list of members of the House of Commons in which he estimated that 32% of the members were friends of the court, 61% favored the opposition, and 7% could go either way. [1] He also drafted a pamphlet that was never published, entitled "The Present State of the Kingdom": in this pamphlet, Shaftesbury expressed concern about the power of France, the Popish Plot, and the bad influence exerted on the king by Danby, the royal mistress Louise de Kérouaille, Duchess of Portsmouth (a Catholic), and the Duke of York, who, according to Shaftesbury was now attempting "to introduce a military and arbitrary government in his brother's time." [1]

Wikisource has original text related to this article:The Earl of Shaftesbury's Speech in the House of Lords, March 25, 1679

The new parliament met on March 6, 1679, and on March 25, Shaftesbury delivered a dramatic address in the House of Lords in which he warned of the threat of popery and arbitrary government denounced the royal administration in Scotland under John Maitland, 1st Duke of Lauderdale and Ireland under James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormonde and loudly denounced the policies of Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby in England. [1] Shaftesbury supported the House of Commons when they introduced a Bill of Attainder against Danby, and voted in favor of the bill in the House of Lords on April 14, 1679. [1] Shaftesbury attempted to neutralize the influence of the episcopal bench in favor of Danby by introducing a bill moving that the bishops should not be able to sit in the House of Lords during capital trials. [1]

[edit] Lord President of the Council, 1679 [ edit | edit source ]

Charles II thought that Shaftesbury was mainly angry because he had been out of royal favor for long, and hoped that he could rein Shaftesbury in by naming him Lord President of the Council on April 21, 1679, with a salary of ₤4,000 a year. [1] Soon, however, Shaftesbury made it clear that he could not be bought off. During meetings of the now reconstituted privy council, Shaftesbury repeatedly argued that the Duke of York must be excluded from the line of succession. [1] He also continued to argue that Charles should re-marry a Protestant princess, or legitimize James Scott, 1st Duke of Monmouth. [1] During these meetings, Arthur Capell, 1st Earl of Essex and George Savile, 1st Earl of Halifax argued that the powers of a Catholic successor could be limited, but Shaftesbury argued that that would change "the whole government, and set up a democracy instead of a monarchy." [1] [41][42]William Russell, Lord Russell (1639-1683) was one of Shaftesbury's closest political allies during the Exclusion Crisis a leader in the House of Commons, he introduced the Exclusion Bill on May 11, 1679.On May 11, 1679, Shaftesbury's close political ally, William Russell, Lord Russell, introduced an Exclusion Bill in the House of Commons, which would have excluded the Duke of York from the succession. [1] This bill passed first and second reading on May 21, 1679. [1] In order to stop the Exclusion Bill and the Bill of Attainder directed at Danby, Charles II prorogued the parliament on May 27, 1679 and dissolved it on July 3, 1679, both of which moves infuriated Shaftesbury. [1] As its name implies, the only achievement of the Habeas Corpus Parliament was the passage of the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679. [1]

For the time being, Shaftesbury retained his position on the privy council, and he and the duke of Monmouth formed an alliance on the council designed to be obstructionist. [1] There were some disagreements between Shaftesbury and Monmouth: for example, Shaftesbury was critical of Monmouth's decision to quickly crush a rebellion by Scottish Covenanters at the Battle of Bothwell Brig in June 1679, arguing that the rebellion should have been drawn out to force Charles II to recall parliament. [1]

On August 21, 1679, the king fell ill, leading Essex and Halifax (who feared Monmouth was about to launch a coup) to ask the duke of York, who Charles had sent to Brussels in late 1678, to return to England. [1] Charles soon recovered and then ordered both York and Monmouth into exile. [1] When Charles agreed to allow his brother to move from Flanders to Scotland in October 1679, Shaftesbury summoned an extraordinary meeting of the privy council to discuss the duke's move, acting on his own authority as Lord President of the Council because the king was at Newmarket at the time. [1] Angered by this insubordination, Charles removed Shaftesbury from the privy council on October 14, 1679. [1]

[edit] The Exclusion Bill Parliament, 1679-1680 [ edit | edit source ]

[43][44]"The Solemn Mock Procession of the Pope, Cardinals, Jesuits, Friars, Etc. Through the City of London, November 17th, 1679." Throughout the Exclusion Crisis, Shaftesbury's Whig allies in the Green Ribbon Club engaged in anti-Catholic propaganda, such as mock processions, the climax of which involved burning the pope in effigy.Elections for a new parliament, which would ultimately come to be known as the Exclusion Bill Parliament, were held in summer 1679, but they went badly for the court, so, with parliament scheduled to meet in October 1679, Charles prorogued the parliament until January 26, 1680. [1] Shaftesbury worried that the king might be intending to simply not meet this new parliament, so he launched a massive petitioning campaign to pressure the king to meet parliament. [1] He wrote to the duke of Monmouth, telling him that he should return from exile, and on November 27, 1679 Monmouth rode back into London amidst scenes of widespread celebration. [1] On December 7, 1679, a petition signed by Shaftesbury and fifteen other Whig peers calling on Charles to meet parliament, followed up with a 20,000-name petition on January 13, 1680. [1] However, instead of meeting parliament, Charles further prorogued parliament and recalled his brother from Scotland. Shaftesbury now urged his friends on the privy council to resign and four did so. [1]

On March 24, 1680, Shaftesbury told the privy council of information he had received that the Irish Catholics were about to launch a rebellion, backed by the French. [1] Several privy councillors, especially Henry Coventry, thought that Shaftesbury was making the entire story up in order to inflame public opinion, but an investigation was launched. [1] This investigation ultimately resulted in the execution of Oliver Plunkett, Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, on trumped-up charges. [1]

On June 26, 1680, Shaftesbury led a group of fifteen peers and commoners who presented an indictment to the Middlesex grand jury in Westminster Hall, charging the Duke of York with being a popish recusant in violation of the penal laws. [1] Before the grand jury could act, they were dismissed for interfering in matters of state. [1] The next week, Shaftesbury again tried to indict the Duke of York, but again the grand jury was dismissed before it could take any action. [1]

The parliament finally met on October 21, 1680, and on October 23, Shaftesbury called for a committee to be set up to investigate the Popish Plot. [1] When the Exclusion Bill again came before the House of Lords, Shaftesbury gave an impassioned pro-Exclusion speech on November 15. [1] The Lords, however, rejected the Exclusion Bill by a vote of 63-30. [1] The Lords now explored alternative ways of limiting the powers of a Catholic successor, but Shaftesbury argued that the only viable alternative to exclusion was calling on the king to remarry. [1] On December 23, 1680, Shaftesbury gave another fiery pro-Exclusion speech in the Lords, in the course of which he attacked the Duke of York, expressed mistrust of Charles II, and urged the parliament to not approve any taxes until "the King shall satisfie the People, that what we give is not to make us Slaves and Papists." [1] With parliament pursuing the Irish investigation vigorously, and threatening to impeach some of Charles II's judges, Charles prorogued parliament on January 10, 1681, and then dissolved it on January 18, calling for fresh elections for a new parliament, to meet at Oxford on March 21, 1681. [1] On January 25, 1681, Shaftesbury, Essex, and Salisbury presented the king a petition signed by sixteen peers asking that parliament should be held at Westminster Hall rather than Oxford, but the king remained committed to Oxford. [1]

[edit] The Oxford Parliament, 1681 [ edit | edit source ]

In February 1681, Shaftesbury and his supporters brought another indictment against York, this time at the Old Bailey, with the grand jury this time finding the bill true, although York's counsel were able to pursue procedural delays until the prosecution lapsed. [1]

At the Oxford Parliament, Charles insisted he would listen to any reasonable expedient short of changing the line of succession that would assuage the nation's concerns about a Catholic successor. [1] On March 24, 1681, Shaftesbury announced in the House of Lords that he had received an anonymous letter suggesting that the king's condition could be met if he were to declare the Duke of Monmouth legitimate. [1] Charles was furious. On March 26, 1681, an Exclusion Bill was introduced in the Oxford Parliament and Charles dissolved parliament. [1] The only issue the Oxford Parliament had resolved had been the case of Edward Fitzharris, who was to be left to the common law, although Shaftesbury and 19 other peers signed a formal protest of this result. [1]

[edit] Prosecution for high treason, 1681-1682 [ edit | edit source ]

The end of the Oxford Parliament marked the beginning of the so-called Tory Reaction. [1] On July 2, 1681, Shaftesbury was arrested on suspicion of high treason and committed to the Tower of London. He immediately petitioned the Old Bailey on a writ of habeas corpus, but the Old Bailey said it did not have jurisdiction over prisoners in the Tower of London, so Shaftesbury had to wait for the next session of the Court of King's Bench. [1] Shaftesbury moved for a writ of habeas corpus on October 24, 1681, and his case finally came before a grand jury on November 24, 1681. [1]

The government's case against Shaftesbury was particularly weak - most of the witnesses brought forth against Shaftesbury were witnesses who the government admitted had already perjured themselves, and the documentary evidence was inconclusive. [1] This, combined with the fact that the jury was handpicked by the Whig Sheriff of London, meant the government had little chance of securing a conviction and on February 13, 1682, the case against Shaftesbury was dropped. [1] The announcement prompted great celebrations in London, with crowds yelling "No Popish Successor, No York, A Monmouth" and "God bless the Earl of Shaftesbury". [1]

[edit] Attempts at an uprising, 1682 [ edit | edit source ]

In May 1682, Charles II fell ill, and Shaftesbury convened a group including the Monmouth, Russell, Ford Grey, 3rd Baron Grey of Werke, and Sir Thomas Armstrong to determine what to do if the king died. [1] They determined they would launch a rebellion demanding a parliament to settle the succession. [1] The king recovered, however, and this was not necessary. [1]

At the election of the Sheriffs of London in July 1682, the Tory candidates prevailed. [1] Shaftesbury was worried that these Sheriffs would be able to fill juries with Tory supporters and he was desperately afraid of another prosecution for high treason. [1] Shaftesbury, therefore began discussions with Monmouth, Russell, and Grey to launch co-ordinated rebellions in different parts of the country. [1] Shaftesbury was much more eager for a rebellion than the other three, and the uprising was postponed several times, to Shaftesbury's chagrin. [1]

Following the installation of the new Tory sheriffs on September 28, 1682, Shaftesbury grew desperate. [1] He continued to urge an immediate uprising, and also opened discussions with John Wildman about the possibility of assassinating the king and the duke of York. [1]

[edit] Flight from England and death, 1682-1683 [ edit | edit source ]

With his plots having proved unsuccessful, Shaftesbury determined to flee the country. [1] He landed at Brielle sometime between November 20 and November 26, 1682, reached Rotterdam on November 28, and finally, arrived in Amsterdam on December 2, 1682. [1]

Shaftesbury's health had deteriorated markedly during this voyage. In Amsterdam, he fell ill, and by the end of December he found it difficult to keep down any food. [1] He drew up a will on January 17, 1683. [1] On January 20, in a conversation with Robert Ferguson, who had accompanied him to Amsterdam, he professed himself an Arian. [1] He died the next day, on January 21, 1683. [1]

According to the provisions of his will, Shaftesbury's body was shipped back to Dorset on February 13, 1683, and he was buried at Wimborne St Giles on February 26, 1683. [1] Shaftesbury's son, Lord Ashley, succeeded him as Earl of Shaftesbury.


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