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(PC-1175: dp. 280; 1. 173'8"; b. 23'0"; dr. 10'10"; s. 20.2 k. (tl.); cpl. 65; a. 1 3", 1 40mm., 1 dcp. (Mouse trap), 2 dct.; cl. PC-161)
PC-1175 was laid down on 8 June 1943 at Sturgeon Bay, Wis., by the Leathem D. Smith Shipbuilding Co.; launched on 7 August 1943, sponsored by Miss Joan Burgess, and commissioned on 1 December 1943 at New Orleans, Lt. Peter J. Brennan, USNR, in command.
The submarine chaser soon moved to Miami, Fla., for operational training and then to Kest West for shakedown. On 23 January 1944, she embarked upon her first mission, escorting a convoy on the Key West-to-Galveston leg of its voyage. For the next four months, she served under the operational control of the Commander, Gulf Sea Frontier. Her duties consisted of escort missions for coastwise convoys in the Gulf of Mexico and frequently involved runs from gulf coast ports to the Canal Zone.
On 28 May, the submarine chaser departed Key West to escort the French submarine Le Centaure to New York. After arriving there on 1 June, she changed operational control from the Gulf Sea Frontier to the Eastern Sea Frontier. Though her theater of operations changed, PC-1175's duties remained the same—escorting coastal convoys and conducting antisubmarine patrols. When not engaged in her usual round-trip escort missions between New York and Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, PC-1175 conducted antisubmarine warfare (ASW) training-most frequently in Long Island Sound but occasionally out of Guantanamo Bay-or made offensive ASW patrols in PC units built around a gunboat or a frigate.
Late in the spring of 1945, the ship received orders to duty with the Pacific Fleet Service Force. Departing New York on 8 June, the submarine chaser transited the Panama Canal at mid-month and arrived in San Diego on the 27th. Four days later, on 1 July, she departed San Diego for duty in the Central Pacific. After a 10-day stop at Pearl Harbor from 9 to 19 July, she resumed her voyage and arrived in Eniwetok lagoon on the 29th. After a week at Eniwetok, PC-1175 got underway for the Marianas on 5 August. Three days later, she arrived at Saipan where she remained for another three days before returning to sea, bound for the Voleano Islands. She made Iwo Jima on 16 August the day after the cessation of hostilities in the Pacific. She patrolled the waters around Iwo Jima for four days and then headed back toward the Marianas on the 20th. The subchaser reached Saipan on 23 August and took up patrol duty once again, this time in the waters around that island and Tinian. On 6 September, four days after the formal Japanese surrender ceremony in Toyko Bay, PC-1175 departed Saipan, bound for Okinawa. She made a brief stop at Iwo Jima on 8 September and arrived off Hagushi beach on 12 September.
The submarine chaser spent most of the first year of peace patrolling the Central Pacific. She visited the Voleano and Bonin Islands, the Marianas, and the Carolines. On 25 May 1946, the submarine chaser stood out of Guam on the first leg of her voyage home. However, engine failure interrupted that voyage on 28 May and PC-1175 had to lay to until the next day when Sylvania (AKA-44) took her in tow. The two ships entered the lagoon at Eniwetok on the last day of May and PC-1175 began repairs to her engines immediately. Those repairs were completed by 4 June, and she resumed her homeward-bound voyage on that same day The warship made a five-day stopover at Pearl Harbor between 11 and 16 June and then continued on to the west coast. She arrived at Astoria, Oreg., on 23 June and, four days later, moved to Portland for additional yard work at the Commercial Iron Works. She completed those repairs on 10 August and moved, under tow, back to Astoria. On 16 August 1946, PC-1175 was placed out of commission at Astoria and was berthed with the Columbia River Group, Pacific Reserve Fleet. She remained there for the next 11 years. On 15 February 1956, she was named Vandalia, and, in July 1957, she was transferred, on a loan basis, to the Taiwan Navy. She served Taiwan as Han Kiang (PC-124). During that service, probably sometime late in 1968 or early in 1969, she ran aground and was severely damaged. Her name was struck from the Navy list on 15 June 1969, and her wreck was sold to the Taiwan Government for scrapping.
Driving the Historic National Road, from Start to Finish
This is Part 13 of my Bermuda trip report series. Part 12 covered our visit to the Frontier Tavern restaurant at the Omni Bedford Springs Resort, though as far as the drive home goes, I actually left off in Part 11 in Cumberland, Maryland. That’s where this installment picks up, as I cover driving the Historic National Road for the next day and a half. The intention was to drive the road from start to finish we didn’t quite succeed, though we came pretty close.
To review our itinerary and other posts in my trip report series so far, read my Bermuda trip report introduction and index.
The first Europeans to visit Illinois were the French explorers Louis Jolliet and Jacques Marquette in 1673, when they explored the Mississippi and Illinois rivers. Near present-day Peoria, René-Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle, established the first French foothold, Fort Crèvecoeur, and built Fort Saint Louis near Ottawa. In the 1760s, after the French and Indian War, France ceded to Britain its claim to lands east of the Mississippi. The following years were uneasy—British policy was unfavourable to the area’s economic development, Native Americans resented the British presence, and settlements were without civil government. By 1773 the number of settlers had declined to about 1,000 plus a few hundred slaves.
In 1778, during the American Revolution, the capture by American forces of Kaskaskia, the British seat of government in the region, made Illinois a county of Virginia. The first settlement on the site of Chicago was made in 1779 by the black pioneer Jean-Baptist-Point Du Sable. On July 4, 1800, the Northwest Territory was divided, and the Illinois country was made a part of Indiana Territory Illinois Territory was formed in 1809 by dividing Indiana Territory, and Illinois attained statehood nine years later.
LaFemme seeks assistance beautifying Vandalia, June 8
Pictured from left to right are members of the LaFemme Arts Club: President Linda Klug, Ann Kohl, Shirley Maxwell, Norma Galloway, Jean Barnes, Janie Zimmer, Connie Strother and LaVonne Jones. The group is looking for volunteers on June 8, donations and even new members who don’t mind getting their hands dirty and their thumbs green. Photo by Barry Dalton
By Barry Dalton
When the LaFemme Arts Club was originally formed in 1955, it was a nationally federated club. It worked with two other federated groups in Vandalia to begin beautifying the downtown area.
“We originally started by going around to all of the merchants and asking if they would like to have a flower box in front of their business,” said Janie Zimmer, who joined in 1960. “We would build the flower box, plant the flowers and take care of it. We would charge as a moneymaker.”
Other projects the club has done includes purchasing trash cans for parks along Main Street, erecting hanging flower baskets on downtown streets as well as banners on Main and the highway, and planting flowers in pots at Main and State.
The pandemic did manage to slow the group’s progress in 2020, though, making it difficult to raise funds and work on the project, said Ann Kohl, a member of the club.
The group plans to begin beautifying the North Railroad Park flower area on June 8 at 5 p.m. The area was originally planted in the 1980s and needs a complete redo: new shrubbery, mulch, flowers and landscape timbers.
“So we’ve kind of got to a point where we’re wanting to start over fresh,” Zimmer added. “And then eventually find someone to help maintain it.”
All of the current members are in their 70s and 80s, which hasn’t stopped them from rolling up their sleeves and pulling weeds, but they are in dire need of volunteer assistance–of any age or gender–for this project.
Donations may be dropped off at State Farm on Hwy. 54 or mailed to Carol Johnson, LaFemme Arts Club treasurer, at 314 Utterback, Vandalia, MO 63382. Even better, you can bring it in person along with trucks, equipment and muscles on June 8.
Any questions may be directed to Linda Klug, club president, at 573-489-1888.
Wojcraft 4The post announcing Wojcraft 4. The pre-Berry Wars world map The world map after the Nuclear Apocalypse. Wojcraft 4 was the sequel to Wojcraft 3.
Hosted by Smogonite, Wojcraft 4 being his first Wojcraft server (And last). It launched on the 15th of January 2021.
Before launching it was described as being "modern" and chaotic with the previous Wojs set in a fictional early 1900s setting, Wojcraft 4 was going to be set in the modern day with modern conflicts. Modern weapons were added to the game including AKs, Snipers and Bazookas.
The Wojcraft minion got a makeover aswell, being half robotic, covered in flames and holding a weapon. Wojcraft 4 was usually called "Wojcraft 4: Modern Warfare".
Wojcraft 4 officially closed on June 13th, lasting six months.
Vandalia IV PC-1175 - History
(A copyrighted publication of West Virginia Archives and History)
Vandalia: The First West Virginia?
By James Donald Anderson
Volume 40, No. 4 (Summer 1979), pp. 375-92
In 1863, led by a group of staunch Unionists, the western counties of Virginia seceded from their mother commonwealth to form a new state. This was not the first attempt to separate the mountanious area from the piedmont and the tidewater country. Patriotism, however, played little part that time. Less than a century previous a group of entrepreneurs and land speculators from the eastern seaboard and England had endeavored to establish a new colony, Vandalia, in the frontier region south and east of the Ohio River. The boundaries of the proposed province closely match those of the present state of West Virginia. Their efforts ended in failure, but that was not for a lack of trying.
Since the country was sparsely populated, the inspiration for separation had to come from elsewhere. Some of the leading merchants and politicians in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and England hoped to profit from their efforts. Printer and philosopher Benjamin Franklin, his son Sir William, governor of New Jersey, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Northern Department Sir William Johnson, his deputy George Croghan, merchants George Morgan and John Baynton, and lawyer and Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly Joseph Galloway all interested themselves in the project. The leading lights of the movement, though, were members of a prominent and prosperous Quaker mercantile family, the Whartons of Philadelphia. 1
The Wharton males, guided and inspired by patriarch Joseph, Senior (1707-76), had risen in two generations from relative poverty to riches in local trade, the export-import business, and sponsoring small industries. His sons Thomas 1730/31-1784), Joseph, Junior (1732-1816), and Charles (1744-1838) profited as merchants. Samuel (1732-1800) became a partner in Baynton and Wharton, later Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, a firm interested in trading overseas and with the Indians in the west. A younger brother, Isaac (1745-1808), allied himself with Thomas and progressively became a successful insuranceman and banker. All held interests in common, particularly the accumulation of excess capital to invest in wide-ranging enterprises with emphasis on land bought cheap and sold dear. 2 In many respects the story of Vandalia centers on the Whartons and their moves and countermoves to obtain approval for the new colony from the British crown.
The Whartons had initially invested in real estate in the vicinity of Philadelphia, but had rapidly expanded and extended their speculations. Thomas in particular had with various partners purchased land in the frontier regions of Virginia, New York, and Pennsylvania. His Virginia ventures included tracts in what is now the eastern panhandle of West Virginia. All these efforts failed to find a profit. In some cases, as in Virginia and New York, Indian troubles and depredations and the advent of the War of American Independence discouraged prospective buyers here and abroad. Clouded titles further confused the issue. In the Wyoming Valley of Pennsylvania, for instance, courts decided disputed claims in favor of squatters on the land rather than to absentee speculators. 3 The fight for Vandalia began with the failure of the Illinois Company.
The end of the French and Indian War and the resulting Treaty of Paris in 1763 opened vast areas of formerly enemy-held territory to British exploitation. Traders such as Baynton, Wharton and Morgan foresaw immense profits to be gained from supplying various Indian nations and the British garrisons along the Mississippi River. Samuel and his partners together with Croghan and some frontier merchants from Lancaster formed the "grand Illinois Venture," which by 1766 evolved into the Illinois Company. The investors included four Whartons (Joseph, Senior Joseph, Junior Samuel, and Thomas), George and John Morgan, John Baynton, William Franklin, George Croghan, and Sir William Johnson. For additional capital they later invited some Englishmen to participate, a deal which paved the way for future joint Anglo-American speculative collaborations. An interested bystander was Benjamin Franklin, then Pennsylvania's agent in London. The investors attempted to use his influence in governmental circles to obtain the necessary approval. Franklin readily cooperated. He had already tentatively agreed to join Samuel and Baynton in the purchase of two large tracts in newly acquired Quebec. In all, the Illinois Company applied for a grant of 1,400,000 acres to be effected upon the establishment of a civil government. This effort collapsed for several reasons. Loss of trade goods and overinvestment forced Baynton, Wharton and Morgan into receivership. The reluctance of British ministers to approve large grants, however, proved to be the main cause. They also feared that the resulting violations of the Proclamation Line of 1763, which limited settlements to the east of Allegheny Mountain, would invite the Indians to renew fierce and bloody frontier wars. Competing claims by other interested parties, mainly represented by the Gratz family of Philadelphia and Lancaster, also confused government agencies which took the easy way out by declining all applications. 4
The failure of the Illinois venture caused the Whartons and their allies to seek their fortunes elsewhere. They grabbed at what appeared to be a better opportunity, tying themselves to the appeals of the "suffering traders." In 1754, during the opening scenes of the French and Indian War, several traders, including William Trent and Croghan, lost supplies to Indian raids. Trent, a partner in Franks, Trent, Simons and Company, was a close associate of the Gratzes. The natives repeated their seizures in 1763 when Pontiac lured his followers to battle English settlers on the frontier. Some of the material destroyed during the "conspiracy" belonged to Baynton, Wharton and Morgan although the firm had evidently only consigned goods to other traders. The victims of the attacks sent Croghan to London in 1764 to seek compensation for their losses. Croghan failed to interest the government in their appeals, and he returned empty-handed. 5
In February 1765 twenty-one parties petitioned Sir William Johnson to convince the Six Nations to indemnify them for the £80,- 862:12:05 (New York currency) in destroyed goods. Samuel and his firm had already received the proxies of four of the traders, and Trent represented the remainder. They and other speculators soon convinced additional distressed men to sell their shares at a discount to be paid when the Indians repaid them by forfeiting some land. A complicated system of shares was devised based on the value of each individual's losses. As in most cases such as this, the speculator soon completely superceded the original losers. Johnson assembled a meeting at Johnson Hall in April at which time he placed the petition forcibly before the sachems. He chose, however, to ignore the "sufferers" of 1754 because, as he later explained, the Indians destroyed their property in time of war. On May 6 the chiefs agreed to concede some lands to the traders, but nothing further resulted from the conference. Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan remained optimistic of "the Justice of Our Application" for the Indians "making Recompense for their Robbry." 6 The major steps for obtaining the land came with the organization of the Indiana Company, the details of which are vague, and the conference at Fort Stanwix in 1768. Samuel Wharton with 16,628 shares was the major stockholder of the new company. Other important shareholders included John Baynton (8,530), Trent (7,427), and William Franklin (5,399). 7
|On October 24, 1768, after some delays, Sir William Johnson opened the meeting at Fort Stanwix. The seriousness of the main issue - alterations to the Proclamation Line of 1763 - merited attendance by Governor Franklin, Governor John Penn of Pennsylvania and two members of his council, and Virginia's commissioner Thomas Walker as well as the heads of the Indian nations concerned, Croghan, Samuel, and Trent also participated. Much about the proceedings remains a mystery since the majority of the discussions were conducted in secret. The attendees, white and Indian alike, agreed, however, on a new line to be established west of the original demarcation. In the area of immediate concern, it traversed from Fort Pitt down the Ohio River until it met the Tennessee where it turned south./ The extent of the new area authorizing white settlement far exceeded Johnson's instructions and has caused his motives to be questioned. He may have linked private ambitions with official duties. The chiefs listened to the appeals made by Samuel and Trent, then acquiesced and ceded to the "suffering traders" the tract which became known as Indiana. Its boundaries (see sketch map, page 376) began on the|
The agreement with the Indians and the location of the grant would have been impossible without the transfer of the proclamation line to the Ohio River.
After the Indians had conceded the land, the company stockholders decided to guarantee their interests by obtaining consent from the British ministry. Since a personal representation appeared to be the best method, they sent Samuel and Trent, the spokesmen for the two main factions (the Whartons and the Gratzes) within the company, to London to plead their case. Five of the most interested, parties pledged their financial support. The personable Samuel was the key man. All the members involved anticipated that the visit would be short. Many would have reconsidered if they had known that Trent would not return until 1775 and Samuel more than three years later. Hopes ran high that the government would readily approve the grant. Few could have predicted that an even larger grant would be sought for the establishment of a new colony inland of Virginia. 9
Samuel departed Philadelphia sometime after February 1769, carrying with him letters of introduction to English contacts. William Franklin described him as "a gentleman of character & abilities," informing William Strahan, an English publisher and post office official, "You will like him." In London, Samuel encountered a society which, though unfamiliar, delighted and enticed him, one completely free from the Quaker surroundings in which he was raised. Apparently shrewdly analysing his character, Doctor Cadwalader Evans, an old family friend, recommended that Benjamin Franklin "read a lecture to [him] on temperance" before the "luxeries of London" infected him. Samuel became a stylish hypochondriac, though enjoying excellent health, "dressed in rich Silks," and took to wearing a "Sword &c. with as much ease, as if He had always done it." Though the assumed foppishness created some problems with the more conservative Trent, he became recognized by many as an expert on the colonies. His wide range of acquaintances impressed one visitor who remarked that Samuel had introduced him "to some of the first families of this place" and entertained him "with much Splendor." 10 If Thomas, who enjoyed his own lifestyle, for he and his brother Joseph were among the wealthiest of the Philadelphians, had known of Samuel's pretensions, he would have been disgusted with his brother's un-Quaker-like affectation, not least because he was financing Samuel in London and the latter's family in Philadelphia.
After their arrival in England, both Samuel and Trent decided that any appeal to the government for Indiana would be fruitless. Thus they did not even petition the Privy Council for the land. Their reasoning could have been influenced by two considerations. First, existent governmental opposition, even hostility, would automatically deny any such application. Second, they may have listened to Benjamin Franklin who, as he later said, advised Samuel that the grant had been willingly given by the Indian nations as sovereign governments. In his opinion, that legally sufficed, and British ministerial sanction would thus be superfluous. Regardless, the agents switched direction, and, upon the recommendation of Thomas Walpole, Sir Robert's nephew and important member of Commons, they decided to form a new company with English and American investors to purchase a block of land south and east of the Ohio River. This tract incorporated the area of Indiana. The group, which now included Franklin as an active participant, became known as the Walpole Associates, and in July they applied for a new grant. Each member contributed five guineas to pay for what Samuel described as "Clerkship." 11
The new organization brought many changes. As the plan, or plot, developed, Samuel and Franklin discarded many of the Americans interested in Indiana. Most importantly, the omission of Baynton and Morgan seriously split the partnership. Morgan later vowed that henceforth he would contact Samuel strictly on business relating to their firm. Although the roster of members included Croghan by necessity, he had already forfeited some of the claims he gained at Fort Stanwix. On December 10, 1768, he sold his share of Indiana to Thomas Wharton and Joseph Galloway, each paying £450 (Pennsylvania currency). 12
On December 27, 1769, the members of the Walpole Associates convened at the Crown and Anchor Inn in London and organized the Grand Ohio Company. Samuel proposed to purchase from the crown the land which became known as Vandalia. He and his allies hoped to establish a colony placed on the same footing with the old provinces incorporating governmental organizations, a royal governor, a legislature, courts, etc. At first the sponsors planned to call it Pittsylvania in honor of William Pitt, but, to encourage royal consent, they named it Vandalia for the queen who reputedly was descended from the Germanic tribe. In England it is generally known as the Walpole Grant. Representatives of the Illinois and Indiana factions participated, and they agreed to cede Indiana to the new company when the government approved the new colony. Indeed, for all practicality, the members of the older companies hedged their bets to preserve their interests. Within six months, George Mercer asserted to incorporate the rival Ohio Company of Virginia (he was its representative in England and his endeavors had been unsuccessful) into the enterprise for two of the seventy-two shares. The land requested, more than two million acres, the greater part of the present state of West Virginia (see sketch map page 376) was vast. The boundaries were delineated as follows.
From that time the fortunes of the company rose and fell with the success of the efforts made by Lord Hillsborough, Secretary of State for the Colonies, to obstruct the project. Franklin, who distrusted the Secretary, described him as 'the most insincere, and the most wrong-headed" of all his acquaintances. Further, he believed Hillsborough had deliberately attempted to sabotage the land deal from the start. According to the philosopher, Hillsborough "encouraged us [the Associates] to ask for more Land, when we first ask'd only for 2,500,00 [the estimated size of Indiana] Ask for enough to make a Province, were his Words, pretending to be friend our Application . . . ." Secretly, he then meant "to defeat" the petition 'from the beginning, and that his putting us upon asking so much was with that very View, Supposing it too much to be granted." 14
Observers on the scene viewed the prospects of the company optimistically. As early as January 1770, Abel James, a Quaker merchant and varingly a rival or compatriot of the Whartons, informed Baynton, "It is next to impossible that [Samuel's negotiations] can miscarry." Walpole informed Joseph, Junior, in November 1771 that it had "a fair chance of success." That same month Samuel considered the contract with the Treasury to be "fixed & irrevokable" (a thought echoed by Franklin) and the only remaining complication, "The Policy of Settling," would be resolved "during this Winter." 15
Despite this bright outlook, Hillsborough's opposition at first succeeded. Upon deliberation, the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations in April 1772 reported negatively on the venture to the Privy Council. They opposed the new proclamation line established at Fort Stanwix and inland colonies in general as counter-productive to the empire as an entity. Indeed, they recommended that all settlements west of the original line of 1763 be forbidden or demolished and the decision enforced. In August, however, the Privy Council ordered another study in light of the proposal of a separate government for Vandalia. Walpole's spirited defense of the company's memorial had caused them to reconsider. Hillsborough's plan had backfired his opposition to a large grant had returned to haunt him. He fell from power to be replaced by the Earl of Dartmouth. As Franklin explained it, "[H]is Mortification becomes double. He had serv'd us by the very means to destroy us, and tript up his own Heels into the Bargain." The next year the Commissioners revised their stance and recommended that a new colony be established with boundaries extended beyond those requested. The new borders were moved further westward into what is now Kentucky and the southern boundary coincided with the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina. The conditions of granting the concession included a payment of £10,460:07:03 Sterling with annual quitrents of two shillings per each one hundred acres beginning twenty years after the first settlement. 16 This was indeed a cheap price to pay for the huge prospective benefits to be gained. The announcement created great jubilation among the investors, but they had overcome the foe in only one battle the campaign remained to be won.
In America in the meantime, the stockholders, or proprietors as Thomas Wharton habitually called them, eagerly anticipated the colony's approval. As early as late in 1769 William Franklin had formulated plans for the construction of forges and mills in Vandalia. Morgan, excluded from Vandalia but still a holder of stock in Indiana, proposed his moving west in the summer of 1772 to arrange land surveys. He had received many inquiries concerning the nature of the terrain there, but, despite his many journeys to the west, he knew little about the lay of the land except for the plots "bordering on the [Ohio] River." The timing was right for him "as this seems to be a proper Season & a time of Liesure [sic]." The opportunities for locating settlers also appeared to be auspicious. The next year Christopher Rawson, Thomas' longtime friend and commercial contact in Halifax, reported sending his son to Philadelphia for his health and asked Wharton to give him "directions respecting a purchase on the Ohio." Joseph Trumbull from Connecticut wrote Wharton of his and his brothers' desires to "go & settle on the Banks of the Ohio." Croghan encouraged matters when he optimistically, and perhaps mischievously, relayed the information that "there cant be less than 60000 Souls settled between this place [Fort Pitt] & the mouth of that [Scioto] River. 17
Yet relations among the investors did not proceed entirely smoothly. Individual greed complicated the scene. Stimulated by the prospects for great wealth, Joseph, Senior, yearned to increase his allotment of shares in the company. Perhaps recent events in England had deluded him as to the extent of Samuel's influence, for he believed Samuel's opposition to be the main cause of Hillsborough's fall from grace. "The Grand Duke," a term commonly used to describe Joseph, could not conceal his elation, and, as a result, he irritated a few influential Philadelphians with his "verey unbecoming aiers." 18 For reasons which remain unclear, William Franklin's holdings became his particular target. Perhaps there was some personal animosity involved, for, after all, Franklin's father had been one of Joseph's closest friends for years he had been one of the original members of the famed Junto.
Unbeknownst to either Thomas or Joseph, Junior, "The Old Man" sent one of the brothers to Franklin "to demand" that the governor "sell [his] Share of the Lands on the Ohio" to Joseph, Senior. Since the messenger was a stranger and did not identify himself, Franklin indignantly refused. He later indicated that he would have acted in a more gracious manner if he had known the courier's identity, but he allowed that his answer would not have been changed. Still, the unpleasant episode indelibly altered the relationship between Franklin and Joseph, Senior, whom the New Jerseyite described as "becom[ing] excessively absurb." His father agreed, noting that the elder Wharton's act demonstrated "more Craft than Friendship" and further commenting, "perhaps I resent it as much as you do." 19 Although Thomas took pride in Samuel's accomplishments, and even though the latter had downgraded Benjamin Franklin's important role in obtaining the Commissioner's approval, the strong bonds between himself and both the Franklins were not affected by this unseemingly incident.
Meanwhile, in England, plans for the new government proceeded at a satisfactory pace. Samuel fully expected to be named the royal governor of the province. Rumors of his appointment had circulated there and in the colonies as early as mid-1770. At least at the beginning, he anticipated operating out of Fort Pitt, and so he asked Croghan to arrange for suitable quarters fashioned out of existing houses or, if necessary, to be constructed. Samuel wanted to hurry any decision, for a new potential menace to Vandalia had arisen. To counter Virginia's activities on the frontier, Pennsylvania planned to establish a new county, Westmoreland, west of Bedford. The boundaries of the new county could possible affect those of Vandalia. Samuel predicted, "It need not give us any Uneasiness," but he did discuss the matter with several of the investors and some government officials including Lord Camden, Anthony Todd, and Thomas Pitt. 20
The other main faction of Americans in the Vandalia project, the Franks-Trent combination, also approved the progress demonstrated so far. Bernard Gratz, a relative of the Franks, could hardly wait for Samuel's return. He heartily approved of the plan then in the hands of the Solicitor General which he had seen during a visit to Thomas. As yet the proprietors, including prospective chief executive, knew little about the geographical aspects of the purchase. Samuel asked Thomas to investigate the land and, most vital to the interests of all, determine the prices to be charged. Morgan at that time had not reported on his reconnaissance as had been expected. Later, however, the Whartons estimated that a fair price might be twenty pounds (Pennsylvania) per hundred acres though Morgan believed fifteen pounds would be more realistic. 21
Thomas also eagerly anticipated Samuel's return. He did not wait, however, to spread information about Vandalia around the colonies. He knew from his previous land deals that he had to solicit customers from a wide audience. In one typical letter he described the virtues of the area to Joseph Trumbull. Vandalia's attractions were many, not least being "the Richness of the Land" and "the Temperature [temperateness] of the Climate." He believed many would enjoy living there, and he encouraged Trumball to find "a Number of industrious, sober Families to settle therein." 22
Consolation of the Indians living or hunting in the area was another major consideration of the company. For these activities the investors learned considerably on the good will and the services of Croghan at Fort Pitt, although he no longer enjoyed an active association with the company. Croghan had always been amazingly adept at dealing with the natives. In several instances they had refused to deal with any other Englishman. Wharton sent him £160 (Pennsylvania) in 1773 to buy presents and provisions for the chiefs at a conference to be held there. Croghan reported that the Indian leaders as a result had "returned to their Habitations with much good Will toward the Province." Additional support came from the Seneca Chief Kayasuta, whom Wharton aptly described as a King, who traveled widely in the west, from Illinois to Johnson Hill, spreading support for the company. In anticipation of gaining final approval for Vandalia, the company officers purchased various supplies and gifts to be presented upon Samuel's arrival at his new domain. The goods, including gunpowder and lead for bullets, were shipped to Georgetown, Maryland, in care of Thomas. They never reached their intended recipients, but the munitions later got the merchant into trouble with the Maryland Committee of Safety. 23
Rival interests in the west, however, clouded the issues and slowed the recruitment of settlers. Virginia's efforts to enforce her claim to the lands in Vandalia complicated the situation. In November 1773 reports reached Thomas that George Washington was surveying the valley of the Kanawha River, and he feared the Ohio Company of Virginia would sell lands there at a cheaper rate than Vandalia could. He asked Samuel to inquire into the possibilities of opening a loan office so sales might begin. As the year progressed he expected momentarily to hear of the grant's approval. It was now under what seemed to him to be an interminable review by the crown's attorneys. Moreover, Virginia's seizure of Fort Pitt and its environs through the activities of Doctor John Connolly really disturbed him. Pennsylvania protested Connolly's movements (and later Lord Dunmore's) around the forks of the Ohio, but months passed before the problem was resolved. Wharton perceived that Vandalia could not become reality until the actions of the executives of both provinces "will be confined to the limits of their Colonies." That Connolly had the nerve to sell land within the boundaries of Vandalia truly angered Wharton. He believed that only final approval by the crown would end "The Annarchy & Confusion . . . on our Frontiers." He dreaded that Connolly's rampages and inciting of the Indians would lead to another border war. In addition, another Virginian named Lewis sold lands within the proposed province for "a small Consideration Which must hurt them [the settlers whose titles were not clear] & abundently [sic] Injure the Proprietors." 24 Virginia's sale of land within her own boundaries as described by her charter was at least quasi-legal her activities in the vicinity of Fort Pitt were both illegal and immoral.
In America the affairs of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan became, perhaps inevitably, entangled with the prospects for Vandalia. Samuel's presence in London induced some Englishmen not involved with Vandalia to seize a financial advantage. Abel James, a trustee of the firm then in the capital city on business, warned Thomas in 1770 to watch out for Richard Neave, a British banker who had served the needs of several Whartons, who wanted to collect monies due him. The English firm later did create considerable pain and trouble for the trustees. Neave wanted all dividends from the company and proceeds from the sale of Samuel's lands to go toward paying his debts. Underlying his threats always lay the danger that Samuel could be imprisoned as a debtor. By 1776 Neave had become at least a minor stockholder in Indiana through absorption of Samuel's shares. 25 The resurrection of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan provided one more reason for the Philadelphia investors to hope for Vandalia's approval. At least one Londoner believed Samuel would gain sufficient funds immediately "to discharge all the Demands of Baynton & Wharton's Creditors" from the sale of "Lands in the new Colony." 26
Thomas, distracted as he was as an agent for the East India Company, continued to pray for the grant through the exciting days of the tea crisis of 1773. As the court attorneys delayed approval, he began to suspect a conspiracy against the investors. He thought some "secret and weighty opposers" influenced officials to sidetrack Vandalia. Later he believed General Thomas Gage, who opposed western immigration and inland colonies because they incited the Indians, to be the chief culprit. In September 1774 he discussed Lord Dunmore's exertions in the Ohio country with Patrick Henry, then one of the delegates to the First Continental Congress. The Virginian was convinced that the Indian war then being waged was actually to the advantage of Vandalia. Dunmore, according to Henry, wanted better lands north of the Ohio and appeared willing to surrender the more mountainous areas. Henry also stated that lawyers he had consulted confirmed the validity of the Vandalia grant, and he thus approved any expansion for Virginia to be even further to the west. This analysis must have surprised a naturally suspicious Wharton who discounted Henry's version. He commented to Croghan that Dunmore's interest probably derived "from a private than Publick View." 27
Over and above the legal delays, the business of obtaining final approval for Vandalia proceeded slowly because of the nature and habits of British officials. Samuel complained that the matter could not even be discussed since key ministers absented themselves from London for months at a time. He planned to publish a pamphlet to counter arguments then current against the grant. In addition to prevention of conflict with the Indians, the opponents argued that limiting settlements to the seaboard would discourage establishment of local manufactories, thus contributing to the efficiency of the various Acts of Trade. Moreover, by preventing migration westward, the labor supply would increase where it was most needed. Samuel thought the arguments specious and "beyond all historical Example." Regardless of the ultimate ministerial action on Vandalia, he believed the movement of the population westward in America was unstoppable. In October 1774 he thought a decision on the colony had to be made that winter. 28
Actually, the Vandalia affair simply drifted and finally faded into obscurity with no decision being announced. Other events in the relationship of Britain and her colonies simply dominated discussions in Parliament and in the Privy Council. Open warfare between colonials and British regular troops erupted in April 1775. Thomas, who abhorred any thought of bloodshed, reluctantly accepted the fact that more important and pressing considerations facing the British ministers overshadowed Vandalia. The fantasy faded very slowly from his thoughts, however, because it had come so close to reality.
Samuel's thought began to turn elsewhere. In August he visualized "little prospect of Harmony being speedily, if ever restored between this Kingdom and America." He therefore focused his attention on land he believed already legally theirs Indiana. He recommended that Thomas and Trent, who had recently returned to Philadelphia, contact "Dr. Franklin & other members of Congress" to obtain support for purchasers of land from Indian nations. To speed approval from that body, Thomas should offer one-half of a share in the company each to eight delegates. Thomas approached the Congressmen with these bribes, no other word suffices, and his efforts apparently got him into deep trouble, for in 1777 Congress recommended that he be arrested as an enemy to his state and be exiled to Virginia. One odd aspect of this situation is that Samuel asked Benjamin Franklin for help. The philosopher had evidently resigned from the Great Ohio Company at least a year previous. Additionally, Samuel had commented to Croghan in 1773 that relations between them had deteriorated, and he thought Franklin's reputation "mere Piff & Declamation." Regardless, ten days after writing to Thomas, Samuel closed his accounts and severed his business, if not his personal, relationship with his English associates. 29 For all practical purposes, this step marked the end of the efforts to secure Vandalia. All that remained was the allotment of the expenses involved among the other investors.
Thomas and the survivors of the "suffering traders" did revive the Indiana Company. They convened on March 20, 1776, at the Indian Queen Tavern in Philadelphia and formed a new corporation for selling the land. Those attending selected Joseph Galloway president and Wharton vice president. They sent Morgan, by this time embittered at all the Whartons since he and his father-in-law Baynton had been excluded from Vandalia, to Fort Pitt to open a land office and to sell tracts in Indiana. Croghan, also at that frontier fort, had allied himself with Virginia during the Connolly affair, a decision Samuel described as "exceedingly indiscreet." He added, seeking additional justification for the defeat of the Grand Ohio Company, that Croghan's actions "may have contributed to the Delay of our Grants, And in the End will not be useful to Himself." As an appended mission, the company assigned Morgan the task of restoring Croghan's loyalty. All these undertakings soured when Trent, the majority proxy holder, refused to attend the company's general meeting at Philadelphia in the fall. His reluctance to cooperate finished Thomas' practical hopes for riches from the west, although to his deathbed in 1784 his visions lingered on. At that moment he may have been content with Trent's decision. He informed him,
Attempts to rejuvenate the Indian grants of 1768 continued spasmodically thereafter. The most earnest efforts may have been those exerted by Benjamin Franklin and Samuel in the early 1780s while the latter served as a delegate to Congress. The other representatives hesitated to take any action, and Indiana fell by the wayside again. All endeavors by the Whartons ceased when the states forfeited their claims to the western lands as a condition of entering the Union, and Virginia retained as part of the commonwealth the lands encompassing both Indiana and Vandalia.
Thus the campaign to create a new colony, "the first West Virginia," waned into oblivion. Not one of the involved parties gained as a result, and many friendships were broken, some, as viewed with hindsight, unnecessarily. Land competition in the west caused Pennsylvania and Virginia almost to resort to the clash of arms. Sir William Johnson's reputation tarnished because he promoted the revised proclamation line of 1768. Baynton, Wharton and Morgan underwent complete bankruptcy proceedings because of the split among the partners over membership in the Grand Ohio Company. Divided opinions for a time separated Samuel and Benjamin Franklin when concerted action may have insured successful acceptance of Vandalia. Greed influenced a break between Joseph, Senior, and both Franklins. Perhaps the one most affected was Thomas who financed Samuel in London and his family in Philadelphia, funds never reimbursed during his lifetime. This loss, combined with the collapse of his business during the War of American Independence, placed him in deep financial distress at the time of his death. There was only one winner, avarice, and that is by its very nature a loser.
1. The most recent and comprehensive account of the Whartons is James Donald Anderson. "Thomas Wharton, 1730/31-1784: Merchant in Philadelphia" (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. The University of Akron, 1977).
4. Clarence Edwin Carter, Great Britain and the Illinois Country, 1763-1773 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1970), passim: Anderson, "Thomas Wharton," 158-62 Max Savelle, George Morgan, Colony Builder (New York: AMS Press, 1967), Chap. II and III Baynton and Wharton to B. Franklin, November 3, 1764, Leonard W. Labree, el al., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959- ), XI, 427-28 (hereafter Franklin Papers), Articles of Agreement, Illinois Company, April 29, 1766, Wharton-Willing Col., Historical Society of Pennsylvania (hereafter HSP). A concise description of these companies from an imperial viewpoint can be found in Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire Before the American Revolution (15 vols. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1946-1970), IX 457-88. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania has authorized quotations from manuscript materials in the Society's collections.
5. George E. Lewis, The Indiana Company, 1763-1798: A Study in Eighteenth Century Frontier Land Speculation and Business Ventures (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clarke Co., 1941), 38-44.
6. Petition, Suffering Traders to Sir William Johnson, February. 1765. Wharton- Willing Col., HSP [Samuel Wharton,] Plain Facts: Being an Examination into the Rights of Indian Nations (Philadelphia: Aitken, 1781), Evans 17437, 54-64 T. Wharton to B. Franklin, November 7, 1768, Leonard T. Beale Col., HSP: Baynton, Wharton and Morgan to B. Franklin, August 28, 1766, Franklin Papers, XIII, 399-400. The change- over to speculators can be seen in the rosters, Table 4-1, Anderson. "Thomas Wharton," 165.
7. William Vincent Byers, ed., B. and M. Gratz, Merchants in Philadelphia, 1754-1798 (Jefferson City, Mo., Hugh Stevens Printing Co., 1916). 90.
8. [Wharton.] Plain Facts, 71-72, 77-78, 84-87, italics removed Ray A. Billington, "The Port Stanwix Treaty of 1768." New York History, XXV (1944), 184-92, who mistakenly places Thomas at the conference. For a contemporary discussion of the boundary problem, see S. Wharton to B. Franklin. September 30, 1767, Franklin Papers, XIV, 257-60. For a first hand account of the meeting, see same to same, December 2, 1768, ibid., XV, 275-79.
9. Peter Marshall. "Lord Hillsborough, Samuel Wharton, and the Ohio Grant, 1769- 1775," English Historical Review, LXXX (1965), 717-18, who presents an anti-Samuel bias W. Franklin to B. Franklin, July 29. 1773, Franklin Papers, XX, 331.
10. W. Franklin to William Strahan, January 29, 1769, Charles Henry Hart, "Letters from William Franklin to William Strahan," Pennsylvinia [sic] Magazine of History and Biography, XXXV (1911), 445-46 (hereafter PMHB) Cadwalader Evans to B. Franklin, June 11, 1769 Franklin to Evans, September 7, 1769, Franklin Papers, XVI, 157, 199-200 William Trent to George Croghan, June 10, 1769, William E. Lingleback, "William Trent Calls on Benjamin Franklin," PMHB, LXXIV (1950), 49 William Hanna to Sir William Johnson, July 20, 1772, E. B. O'Callaghan, ed., Documentary History of the State of New York (4 vols. Albany. 1849-1851), IV, 447.
11. Lewis, Indiana Company, 78-87 B. Franklin to W. Franklin, July 14, 1773, Franklin Papers, XX, 302-304 Cecil B. Currey, Road to Revolution: Benjamin Franklin in England, 1765-1775 (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1968), 248-54 B. Franklin, et al., to the King. [June?, 1769], Franklin Papers, XVI, 165-69 S. Wharton to T. Wharton, December 6, 1769, Corr., Owen Jones Papers, HSP. See also Jack M. Sosin, "The Yorke-Camden Opinion and the American Speculators," PMHB, LXXXV (1961), 45-48.
12. See references, note 11. G. Morgan to S. Wharton, April 24, 1772, Baynton, Wharton and Morgan Papers (microfilm ed. Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 1967). reel 1 (hereafter BWM Papers) bond, Croghan to T. Wharton and J. Galloway. December 10, 1768, Wharton-Willing Col., HSP. For a flavor of the intrigue involved, see Jack M. Sosin, Whitehall and the Wilderness (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1961), 187-88. The Indians had granted to Croghan vast tracts of land in New York and western Pennsylvania in addition to his share of Indiana in 1768. 13. Byers, B. and M. Gratz, 345 S. Wharton to T. Wharton and J. Galloway, April 7, 1773, Franklin Papers, American Philosophical Society (hereafter APS) Agreement to admit the Ohio Company as Copurchaser with the Grand Ohio Company, May 7, 1770 Memorial, Thomas Walpole, et al., to the Right Honorable the Lords Commmissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, January 4, 1770, Franklin Papers, XVII, 9-11, 136. The Whartons involved were Thomas, Samuel, Charles, Joseph, Sr., and Joseph, Jr. A complete list of the investors in Vandalia can be found in K. G. Davies, ed., Documents of the American Revolution, 1770-1783 (Shannon: Irish University Press, 1972- ), V, 309.
14. B. Franklin to W. Franklin. July 14, 1773, Franklin Papers, XX, 310, emphasis in original.
15. Emphasis in originals. Abel James to Baynton, January 19, 1770, BWM Papers, reel 2 extracts, Thomas Walpole to Joseph Wharton, Jr., November 6, 1771 Samuel W[harton to Joseph] Wharton. Jr., November 1771, Franklin Papers, APS.
16. Davies, Documents of the American Revolution, IV. 153, 308-309, V. 166-69, VI 134-42 B. Franklin to W. Franklin. July 14, 1773, Franklin Papers,. XX, 310 Lois Mulkearn, ed., George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of Virginia (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1954), 668-69.
17. B. Franklin to W. Franklin, March 17, 1770, Franklin Papers, XVII, 97 Morgan to T. Wharton, May 6, 1772 Rawson to T. Wharton, July 1, 1773, Corr., Wharton Papers (hereafter WP), HSP Joseph Trumbull to Thomas and Isaac Wharton, July 12, 1773, Joseph Trumbull Papers, Connecticut Historical Society (hereafter CHS) Croghan to T. Wharton, December 9, 1773, "Letters of George Croghan," PMHB, XV (1891), 436-37. Any migration westward could help Croghan sell some of his own lands at Fort Pitt.
18. Nathaniel Falconer to B. Franklin, May 13, 1773, Franklin Papers, XX, 206.
19. W. Franklin to B. Franklin, April 30, 1773 B. Franklin to W. Franklin. July 14, 1773, ibid., XX. 184-85, 306. The identity of the Wharton son can only be surmised, but, since W. Franklin knew all the elder brothers, one can presume he was either Carpenter or Robert.
20. J. Baynton in Col. John Wilkinson, September 5, 1770, BWM Papers, reel 2 S. Wharton to Croghan, February 3, 1773, Croghan Papers, Cadwalader Col., HSP S. Wharton to J. Calloway and T. Wharton, April 9, 1773, Franklin Papers, APS.
21. Bernard Gratz to Groghan, August 1, 1773, Byers, B and M. Gratz, 134-35 S. Wharton to T. Wharton, September 1, 1773, Corr., Owen Jones Papers, HSP Sewell Elias Slick, William Trent and the West (Harrisburg: Archives Publishing Co. of Pennsylvania, 1947), 157.
22. Thomas and Isaac Wharton to Trumbull, January 11, 1773, Joseph Trumbull Papers, CHS.
23. T. Wharton to Thomas Walpole, December 27, 1773 to S. Wharton, September 23, 1774, T. Wharton Letterbook, 1773-1784, WP, HSP S. Wharton to Croghan, December 24, 1772, Croghan Papers, Cadwalader Col., HSP. For the fate of the supplies in Maryland, see Anderson, "Thomas Wharton," 307-309.
24. T. Wharton to S. Wharton November 30, 1773, January 3, 1774, February 28, 1775 to Thomas Walpole, May 2, 1774 to George Croghan, December 25, 1773, March 17, 1774, T. Wharton Letterbook, WP, HSP S. Wharton to T. Wharton, March 17, 1774, Corr., Owen Jones Papers, HSP. All Virginia's activities ran counter to the government's instructions. See, for example, Earl of Dartmouth to Earl of Dunmore, April 6, 1774, Davies, Documents of the American Revolution, VII, 80.
25. Abel James to T. Wharton, July 25, 31, 1770, T. Wharton Papers, Thompson Col., HSP T. Wharton to S. Wharton, September 23, 1774, February 28, 1775, T. Wharton Letterbook, WP, HSP.
26. As reported by W. Franklin to B. Franklin, July 29, 1773, Franklin Papers, XX, 31.
27. T. Wharton to Thomas Walpole (?), September 23, 1774 to S. Wharton, September 23, 1774 to Croghan, September 30, 1774, T. Wharton Letterbook, WP, HSP.
28. S. Wharton to T. Wharton, May 21, 1774 (incomplete), October 5, 1774, Corr., Owen Jones Papers, HSP.
29. S. Wharton to T. Wharton, August 7, 1774, Corr. T. Wharton to S. Wharton, May 7, 1774, T. Wharton Letterbook, WP, HSP S. Wharton to Croghan, February 3, 1773, Croghan Papers, Cadwalader Col., HSP Mulkearn, George Mercer Papers, 670.
30. Indiana Company Meeting Minutes, March 20, 1776, T. Wharton's Book of Indiana Company Deeds T. Wharton to Levy Andrew Levy, July 28, 1776 to Trent, September 12, 1776, T. Wharton Letterbook, WP, HSP S. Wharton to T. Wharton, October 5, 1774, Corr., Owen Jones Papers, HSP undated note, George Morgan Letterbook, Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh. Samuel thought Croghan's alliance with Connolly precluded his selection as Sir William Johnson's successor.
Tag: St Louis Vandalia and Terre Haute Railroad
See Part VI to learn how the Hoosier Partisans moved for autonomy as the Cleveland Clique tightened its grip on the Bee Line railroad.
Steam Locomotive Explosion, 19th century, courtesy of Martin F. Wintermute.
In the summer of 1859, the Indianapolis, Pittsburgh and Cleveland’s (IP&C’s) Madison locomotive exploded near Kilgore Station in Yorktown, Indiana – killing the engineer and fireman. A month later, near the same location, an intoxicated man fell from the station’s platform and was killed by a passing train.
These tragic events occurred just weeks after the Hoosier Partisans’ scheme to achieve their independence, by leveraging on the IP&C’s strategic position as a funnel to the West, had failed. The accidents seemed eerily suggestive of the Hoosier Partisans’ plight in the face of the Cleveland Clique’s mustered financial power.
Route of the Indianapolis, Pittsburgh and Cleveland Railroad (formerly the Indianapolis and Bellefontaine Railroad), ca. 1855. (Reprinted from Map of Indiana. New York: J. H. Colton & Co., 1855. Courtesy of Ball State University Libraries, Map Collections. Annotated by Erin Greb Cartography.)
By the IP&C’s May 1860 board meeting the Partisans were resigned to their fate: “we know of no other means by which we can extricate ourselves from our monetary difficulties and save the road . . . We deem it best to extend and continue said [joint operating] contract with said Bellefontaine and Indiana Railroad (B&I).”
Indiana board members had again faced the reality that the railroad business, on many levels, could be a perilous endeavor. The push and pull of the Hoosier Partisans and Cleveland Clique would ultimately result in the legal consolidation of the Bee Line Railroad components roads.
Map of the Bee Line’s Bellefontaine Line joint operating railroads (Indianapolis, Pittsburgh and Cleveland [blue], Bellefontaine and Indiana [red]), and the Columbus, Piqua and Indiana Railroad [brown], courtesy of Erin Greb Cartography. Clearly sensing the IP&C would be reluctantly compelled to extend its joint operating agreement with the B&I, John Brady, the receiver for the Columbus, Piqua and Indiana Railroad (CP&I), demanded that the IP&C honor its 1852 through-line agreement with them. He recited the agreement’s language regarding freight and passenger traffic between Columbus, Ohio and Indianapolis, which mandated “sending any/all east/west traffic which can be done” over this connection.
Incredibly, Brady was able to pull off what the Hoosier Partisans had been unable to accomplish in their effort to effect a divorce from the Cleveland Clique – at least until 1863 when the CP&I was once again reorganized.
Ironically, the advent of the Civil War in 1861 would bring prosperity to the anemic component roads of the Bee Line – now operating jointly as the Bellefontaine Line. The combination of enhanced demand for grain to feed the troops and bolster poor harvests on the European continent spelled profits for the railroads.
Map of the Eastern trunk lines, c1855 (Baltimore and Ohio Rail Road, Pennsylvania Railroad, Erie Railway [New York and Erie Rail Road 1832-1861], New York Central Railroad), courtesy of Erin Greb Cartography. During this time, frustrations had mounted among East Coast merchants and the railroad trunk lines that served them. West of the Appalachians they were dealing with a fractured network of independent short lines and their inefficient freight handling between lines. Add to this the further stress of moving troops and supplies quickly, and something had to be done.
The demands of war pushed operational efficiency forward – driven by the trunk lines. The resulting more integrated rail networks also led to enhanced profitability, and opened the door for the Eastern trunk lines to expand their footprint west.
The Bee Line roads finally got their financial houses in order. By June 1863 the IP&C declared its first dividend in years—3 percent. Taking advantage of newfound prosperity, it declared another 3 percent dividend in December and voted to increase capital stock by $300,000.
Ostensibly this was done to pay for new equipment, new terminals, and road improvements. In reality it provided a convenient opportunity for the Cleveland Clique to increase their stock position and thereby dominate upcoming shareholder votes. To that end they determined, once and for all, to quell the IP&C board’s irritating Hoosier independence.
(L to R): John Brough, courtesy of the Ohio History Connection Thomas A. Morris, courtesy of the Indiana Historical Society Alfred Kilgore, author’s personal collection.
Courtesy of the Clique’s voting block, John Brough returned as IP&C president at the February 1863 annual meeting – following Hoosier figurehead Thomas A. Morris’ 3½-year tenure. In a last-ditch effort to stem the Clique’s board dominance, Alfred Kilgore—Yorktown’s first station agent, son of director David Kilgore, and an Indiana state legislator— introduced a House bill in January 1863. Had it passed, all Indiana railroad corporations would have been required to elect three-quarters of their board from stockholders resident in the state. It died in committee.
State Flag of Ohio, officially adopted 1902.
Beyond Brough’s return to the IP&C’s presidency, he emerged as the front-runner in Ohio’s governor’s race in the summer of 1863. Orchestrated by the Cleveland Clique, Brough’s candidacy leveraged on his earlier but noteworthy Ohio political career and effective pro-Union speechmaking style. The War Democrats and Republican Union parties joined forces to secure his nomination. He was overwhelmingly
elected in October 1863.
Stillman Witt (J. Fletcher Brennan, ed., Biographical Cyclopedia and Portrait Gallery of the State of Ohio, Vol. 2 Cincinnati: John C. Yorston & Co., 1880.)
Stillman Witt, Cleveland Clique heavyweight and by then the second-largest individual holder of Bee Line roads stock, had encouraged and supported his close friend’s candidacy. On Brough’s election as governor Witt volunteered to fulfill his duties as president of the Bee Line roads. He insisted Brough draw his IP&C presidential salary while serving as governor.
During 1864 Witt steered the Bee Line roads toward a brisk legal consolidation. At the IP&C’s June board meeting a committee was appointed “to agree upon mutual and just terms for consolidating the capital stock of this company with that of the B&I.” Reprising its once central role in the history of both the IP&C and B&I, Union and its Branham House was chosen as the site for the decisive shareholder consolidation vote.
Branham House Hotel in Union, Indiana, courtesy of the Preservation Society of Union City.
Finally, after years of Hoosier Partisan and Cleveland Clique push and pull, the two lines were legally consolidated on November 24, 1864 – emerging as the Bellefontaine Railway Company. For the first time since its inception in 1848, the railroad extending from Indianapolis to Union failed to exist as a stand-alone Hoosier-based—if not completely controlled—entity.
Brough was elected the new entity’s first president at its inaugural meeting in Union on December 22 nd . It would be a short tenure, however, as Brough died in office on August 29, 1865 while also serving as Ohio’s last wartime governor.
After Brough’s death, Witt officially assumed the role he had been occupying as Brough’s proxy. His style was businesslike and close to the vest. Board minutes reflected meetings run with a limited agenda, focused on few topics, and with little discussion noted.
Witt saw to it that the Cleveland Clique began to recoup investments made in the road’s predecessor lines. Hardly a board meeting would go by over the next three years in which a dividend was not declared. And there were up to three board meetings a year.
The Cleveland Clique was not done tightening its grip on the Bee Line. In addition to Brough’s election as president in December 1864, a landslide of Cleveland Clique members took eight of eleven seats on the Bellefontaine Railway’s board. Included among this number was an individual destined to alter the Bee Line’s future trajectory: Hinman B. Hurlbut.
Hoosier David Kilgore, the only surviving original director from the Indianapolis and Bellefontaine Railroad (I&B) days, assumed one of the three crucial executive committee positions.
(L to R): Hinman B. Hurlbut (J. Fletcher Brennan, ed., Biographical Cyclopedia and Portrait Gallery of the State of Ohio, Vol. 1. Cincinnati: John C. Yorston & Co., 1880.) David Kilgore, author’s personal collection.
By the spring of 1868 the Cleveland Clique decided to finally consolidate all three of the original Bee Line component roads – then comprised of the Bellefontaine Railway and the Cleveland, Columbus and Cincinnati Railroad (CC&C). The need for additional monies to restructure debt and fund an expanding footprint was justification enough to tap the CC&C’s solid financial underpinnings.
In reality the freed and raised cash by the consolidation would be spent on both business expansion and personal enrichment. To a greater extent than marketed to the public the new road was being recast, like many others in the post-Civil War era, as a “financiers’” railroad.
Leander M. Hubby (Biographical Cyclopedia and Portrait Gallery of the State of Ohio, Vol. 4. Cincinnati: Western Biographical Publishing Company, 1887.) First Annual Report Cover, Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati and Indianapolis Railway, books.google.com.
On May 13, 1868, the Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati and Indianapolis Railway (CCC&I) sprung to life under the leadership of former CC&C president Leander M. Hubby. Hubby had established a long, profitable, and almost patriarchal reputation among his management team over the course of more than a decade at the helm of the CC&C. He and the newly recast Bee Line faced two immediate and significant obstacles to their future viability.
One challenge was to finally complete and/or control a rail line between Indianapolis and St. Louis. By 1867, the Cleveland Clique had assembled what it thought was a consortium of six similarly-interested rail lines to sign an expensive long-term lease of a road between Terre Haute and St. Louis. It proved to be otherwise.
The poorly engineered, indirect, and financially tenuous St. Louis, Alton and Terre Haute Railroad (StLA&TH) was its only option. And by the time the lease was signed the original consortium had essentially dwindled to two: the Bee Line and another Clique-affiliated railroad.
Routes of the Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati and Indianapolis (partial blue), St. Louis, Alton and Terre Haute (green), Indianapolis and St. Louis (red), Terre Haute and Indianapolis (purple), St. Louis, Vandalia and Terre Haute (“Vandalia Line”, brown), courtesy of Erin Greb Cartography.
More to the point, as the consortium disintegrated, the road between Indianapolis and Terre Haute – by then called the Terre Haute and Indianapolis Railroad (TH&I) – backed out. Instead, it would align with Pennsylvania Railroad interests to complete John Brough’s dream of a direct line to St. Louis, under the colloquial Vandalia Line moniker. As a result, consortium participation with competitors made no sense.
However, the TH&I’s realignment with Pennsylvania Railroad interests meant the Bee Line was left without a link between Indianapolis and Terre Haute. And the TH&I would not entertain an arrangement to let the Bee Line utilize its tracks.
By the fall of 1867 the Clique’s Bee Line board made the financially difficult decision to build its own parallel line between Indianapolis and Terre Haute. The Indianapolis and St. Louis Railroad (I&StL), headed by Thomas A. Morris, would be built in less than three years. And soon, it would fold and operate the StLA&TH under its banner. But it had been a costly decision.
Hubby’s other immediate Bee Line challenge was more sinister in its design. And, at least initially, Hubby would be unaware of its existence. But, in fact, it would threaten the Bee Line’s very survival and that of its Cleveland Clique benefactor.
Check back for Part VIII, the final blog in the Bee Line series, to learn more about how the national aspirations of other railroads, and their financial chicanery, recast the Bee Line Railroad’s ultimate destiny.
Nearly 90% of R-VI grads earn A plus scholarships
Emmi Johnson and Cheyenne Becker were the Community R-VI valedictorians for 2021. Emma Hombs and McCailyn Drainer were the salutatorians.
Twenty of the 23 graduating seniors in the Community R-VI class of 2021 qualified for A plus scholarship. They are: Emma Angel, Brianna Beamer, Clayton Brandt, Logan Britton, Kasey Dawson, Skylar Deimeke, McCailyn Drainer, Justin Duenke, Peirce Eckler, Ethan Fort, Emma Hombs, Emily Hoyt, Emmi Johnson, Mackenzie Replogle, Garrett Schmidt, Aubrey Stafford, Austin Taylor and Landon Wright.
The following students also received additional scholarships:
Emma Angel – Consolidated Electric Scholarship Don Sturgis Scholarship North Central Missouri College Athletic Scholarship and the Community R-VI CTA Scholarship.
Brianna Beamer – Clyde T. Moore Scholarship Webster University Blue Academic Scholarship and the Robert P. Fedora Memorial Scholarship.
Cheyenne Becker – Moberly Area Community College Superintendent’s Scholarship John W. Seay Memorial Scholarship and the GH Dudley Scholarship.
Logan Britton – Moberly Area Community College Superintendent’s Scholarship.
Skylar Deimeke – GH Dudley Scholarship University of Central Missouri Red and Black Scholarship and a University of Central Missouri A+ Recognition Scholarship.
McCailyn Drainer – Shelter Insurance Scholarship Farmers’ and Laborers’ Cooperative Insurance of Audrain County Scholarship John W. Seay Memorial Scholarship and the Trojan Crowning Scholarship.
Justin Duenke – Audrain Agribusiness Scholarship MFA–Laddonia Scholarship Missouri State Knights of Columbus Knights of Columbus Scholarship Ladybugs Scholarship Audrain County Cattlemen’s Scholarship and the Audrain County R-VI FFA Alumni Scholarship.
Ethan Fort – Martinsburg Mutual Insurance Scholarship Martinsburg Farmers Elevator Scholarship Youth in Agriculture Scholarship MFA-Martinsburg Scholarship FCS Scholarship Griffin Family Foundation Scholarship and the Audrain 4-H Foundation Scholarship.
Emma Hombs – Griffin Family Foundation Scholarship and the Robert P. Fedora Memorial Scholarship.
Emily Hoyt – Audrain Agribusiness Scholarship Missouri Corn Growers Scholarship Chris Stuckenschneider Memorial Scholarship Knights of Columbus Scholarship Ladybugs Scholarship Griffin Family Foundation Scholarship MAMIC Scholarship VFW Post #3772 Memorial Scholarship Nellie Allen Noel Memorial Scholarship Audrain 4-H Foundation Scholarship Audrain County Cattlemen’s Scholarship Audrain County R-VI FFA Alumni Scholarship Audrain County University of MO Alumni Graham Chapter Juliet Hulen Memorial Scholarship Ray McClure Scholarship Agriculture Development Scholarship Orschlens Farm and Home Supply Scholarship and the Community R-VI CTA Scholarship.
Emmi Johnson – Martinsburg Mutual Insurance Scholarship and the Walsworth Publishing Scholarship.
Garrett Schmidt – Martinsburg Mutual Insurance Scholarship and the Bank of Missouri Scholarship.
Aubrey Stafford – VFW Post #3772 Memorial Scholarship and the Shanna Sutton Memorial Scholarship.
Landon Wright – Martinsburg Mutual Insurance Memorial Scholarship Clint Deimeke Memorial Scholarship Ladybugs Scholarship Katie Aulbur Memorial Scholarship Nellie Allen Noel Memorial Scholarship Central Bank of Audrain County Scholarship Audrain County R-VI FFA Alumni Scholarship Trojan Crowning Scholarship and a Pittsburg State University Scholarship
Vandalia IV PC-1175 - History
Adenmoor - Auburn Township
is situated on the north edge of Section 36, Auburn Township. It is located about ¾ miles north of The National Road (U.S. Route 40), along the Vandalia-Pennsylvania Railroad, about 7 miles northeast of Martinsville and about 5 miles southwest of Marshall. It formerly known as Adenmore Station.
Allright - Anderson Township
Allright, also known as Albright, is near the northwest corner of section 28, Anderson Township.
A Post office was established at Albright on Mar. 10, 1892. It was discontinued on July 15, 1908.
Aurora - Darwin Township
was a former settlement on the Wabash River about two miles north of Darwin in Darwin Township. It was the site of the first courthouse and county seat of Clark County. Aurora was the County Seat from 1821 to 1823.
Beltz - Darwin Township
is situated in the northwest corner of section 10, Darwin Township.
It was named for Amos Jonas Beltz.
A Post office was established at Beltz on May 29, 1893. It was discontinued July 31, 1903.
Brisco - Parker Township
is a settlement on the north edge of section 32, Parker Township. It is located just west of route 49, about 4 miles north of Casey.
Careyford - Marshall Township
is a former village in Marshall Township at the border of what is now Auburn Township, about 1 mile east of Clark Center and about 4 miles southwest of Marshall on route 40. It was named for Thomas Carey who founded the village.
Casey - Casey Township
is situated in the west half and the northeast quarter of section 20, and the east half of section 19 in Casey Township at the intersection of The National Road (U.S. route 40) and route 49 on the eastern edge of the county near the Cumberland County line. The original town was first platted in 1851 and surveyed in 1853 by D. R. Heimer. It took its namr from the Post Office west of Cumberland, established, on August 28, 1849, named for Zadoc Casey, U.S. Senator from Illinois and former Lieutenant Governor. It was first settled about 1853 by John Lang, a Scottsman, who built the National House Hotel. and Casey was located on the Vandalia-Pennsylvania railroad.
Castle Fin - Douglas Township
Castle Fin, also known as Castle Finn and Fin Castle, was founded by Robert Wilson and platted in May 1848 by County Surveyor James Lawrence. The village was named for Wilson's home town of Castle Finn, County Donegal, Ireland. It was located in the northwest corner of section 27, Douglas Township, about 6 miles north-northwest of Marshall.
Clark Center (Auburn)
Clark Center, formerly known as Auburn, Lodi, and Clark Centre, is located on the south half of the northwest quarter and part of the north half of the southwest quarter of Section 37, Auburn Township. It lies just north of The National Road (Route 40), about 7 miles northeast of Martinsville and about 5 miles southwest of Marshall.
A Post office was established at Lodi on Oct. 15, 1842. The name was changed to Clark Centre on May 21, 1857 and to Clark Center on Oct. 25, 1893. It was discontinued on June 15, 1907.
Clarksville - Dolson Township
Clarksville, also known as Dolson, is located approximately 10 mile east of Westfield and 7 miles northwest of Marshall on Clarksville road.
It is surrounded by the Dolson Prairie, named after early settlers of the Dolson Family.
A post office was established at Dolson on Feb. 15, 1851. It was changed to Clarksville on Aug. 27, 1861 and back to Dolson on April 2, 1862. The P.O. was discontinued Feb. 15, 1907. The town is now known again as Clarksville.
Cleone - Parker Township
Cleone, also known as 'Hammond Settlement' and 'Hammond Center' in times past was a thriving rural community at the turn of the century. There was a grocery store, a farm supply business, a post office, newspaper, etc. They even had a baseball team. *
As Martinsville and the surrounding communities grew larger, small settlements like Cleone were unable to compete with the larger stores and variety of goods and services offered, and slowly vanished. In the late 40's and early 50's, all that remained at Cleone were a couple of houses and a general store operated by a gentleman named 'Comer'. All that is gone now and all that remains is the cemetery.
Cleone is situated in the northeast of section 12, Parker Township.
It lies about 6 miles north of Martinsville along Cleone Road
A Post office was established at Cleone on March 4, 1886. It was discontinued on August 15, 1906.
[ * Larry Wells writes, "I recall seeing a copy of the newspaper from 1906 where Cleone played Casey (at Cleone) and Casey won. The paper listed the names of all who were there that day (a LOT of Hammonds) and commented that the other news of the day was: 'One auto through today.' "]
Cumberland - Casey Township
Cumberland is a former settlement in Casey Township.
A Post Office, named after Zadoc Casey, was established at Cumberland on March 27, 1838. It was discontinued on Aug. 19, 1847.
Cumberland is now part of the city of Casey.
Darwin - Darwin Township
Darwin is the second oldest settlement in Clark county. It is situated in the northeast corner of section 27, Darwin Township, on the Wabash River. The site was first settled by John McClure in 1816 and was known then as McClure's Bluff. The Darwin ferry was started early on by McClure for use by farmers who owned properties across the river. It is still in operation today.
A post office was established on Aug. 17, 1920. Darwin was the County Seat from 1823 to 1839 when it was removed to Marshall. Darwin was also known as Clark Courthouse until Nov. 8, 1836.
Dennison - Wabash Township
is a village situated on the north edge of section 26 of upper Wabash Township. It is about 7 miles northeast of Marshall just north of the Pennsylvania R. R.
The village was founded by J. F. Barnard, who was extensively engaged in the manufacture of lumber and wagon woodwork, having at that time several mills along the line of the Vandalia railroad, which was at that time in the course of construction, by locating one of his factories at that point. *
The village was laid out in 1871 by Lyman Booth, on the northwest quarter of section 26, township 12, range 11 west **
A Post Office was established at Dennison on July 27,1871.
[ *History of Vigo and Parke Counties,, H. W. Beckwith, 1880.
**W. H. Perrin, History of Crawford and Clark Counties, O. L. Baskin & Co., 1883]
Doyles - Dolson Township
is located near the Edgar County line in section 20 of Dolson Township.
A post office was established at Doyles on March 30, 1894. It was discontinued March 31, 1893.
Dupoint - Dolson Township
Dupoint, also known as Dupont, is a village situated on the northeast quarter of section 14 of Casey Township. It is located about 4 miles northeast of Casey, and about 2 miles southwest of Martinsville, along The National Road (Route 40) and the Vandalia-Pennsylvania railroad..
Ernst - Darwin Township
is a village situated on the northeast quarter of section 18 of Darwin Township. It lies about 4 miles south of Marshall, 2 1/2 miles north of Hatton, east of route 1, on the Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago & St. Louis Railroad.
A post office was established at Ernst on Oct. 29, 1885. It was discontinued on Oct. 15, 1926
Hatton (Snyder) - Darwin Township
Hatton, also known as Snyder, is located on the west edge of section 30 in Darwin Township. It lies about 8 miles south of Marshall, 2 ½ miles south of Ernst, and 3 miles north of Walnut Prairie, just east of route 1 on the Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago & St. Louis Railroad (New York Central), and about 3 miles west of Darwin.
A Post office was established at Hatton on Mar. 7, 1882. It was named by Postmaster John Milton Hollenbeck for Assistant Postmaster-General McHatton. It was discontinued April 2, 1906.
Lindsey - Orange Township
is located in the northwest corner of section 2 in Orange Township. It lies about 5 miles southeast of Martinsville. It was named for Zachary T. Lindsey. A Post Office operated at Lindsey from March 31, 1894 until March 31, 1903.
Livingston (Cohn) - Wabash Township
is a village on the southwest quarter of section 9 in Upper Wabash Township about 2 miles northeast of Marshall on route 40 (The Old National Road). The village was laid out by Robert Ferguson in 1830 on land purchased from the federal government. Early businesses included a hotel built by David Wyrick, a grocery, a tavern and a stagecoach shop. A Post Office operated at Livingston from August 24, 1832 until July 31, 1903. Its name was change to Cohn on April 5, 1880 and later back to Livingston. Several blows were dealt the village over the years which led to its decline. The railroad was diverted several miles to the north of town due to land donations. A cyclone devastated the town during the Civil War. The town was all but destroyed by the cyclone of May 26, 1917.
Margaretta (Richwood) - Westfield Township
was located east of Westfield on what is now the Lincoln Heritage Trail, It was named for Margaret, wife of the Postmaster, William B. Marrs. (Illinois State Historical Marker, Margaretta Post Office)
A post office was established at Margartta June 16, 1840. Its name was changed to Richwood on August 27, 1861. It was discontinued on June 26, 1863.
Marshall - Marshall Township
is located on the western edge of Marshall Township. It was founded on September 20, 1835 by Colonel W. B. Archer on land owned by Joseph Duncan and himself who had purchased it from the federal government. It was named after John Marshall, 4th Chief Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court. The plat was filed in October, 1835. It was located at the intersection of the National Road (U.S. route 40) and the and the Vincennes and Chicago State Road (route 1). The National Road began to be built through the site of Marshall in 1827 and many came for the construction work there. The first settlement on the site was made in 1836. The County Seat of Clark County was moved from Darwin to Marshall in 1839 where it remains to the present day.
During the Civil War, a group of Copperheads, who opposed the Civil War, provided protection for deserters from the Union Army. In March, 1863, an Army detail from Indiana arrested several of the soldiers. Judge Charles H. Constable freed them and ordered the arrest of two Union sergeants on kidnapping charges. This resulted in the dispatch of 250 soldiers under the command of Col. Henry B. Carrington by special train from Indianapolis, who surrounded the courthouse, freed the sergeants and arrested the Judge. Judge Constable was, however, later acquitted after presenting an elaborate defense
Abraham Lincoln practiced law several times at Marshall.
The Archer House, located in downtown Marshall claims to the the oldest continually operated hotel in Illinois.
Martinsville - Martinsville Township
is situated on parts of the east half of section 7 and the west half of section 8 and the southeast quarter of section 6 and the southwest quarter of section 5 of Martinsville Township. It is located about 12 miles southwest Marshall and 6 mile northeast of Casey, along route 40 and the Vandalia-Pennsylvania Railroad. The first settlement on the present site of the city was made in about 1829. Martinsville was founded in 1832 by Joseph Martin who came to the area in that year and purchased land. The village was platted in 1833. Martin named it after himself. Businesses sprang up along the Old National Road (Route 40). Martin built the first hotel. Willis Daughette built the Rocky Mountain House in 1840
McKeen - Wabash Township
McKeen is a village on the north edge of section 27 of upper Wabash Township. It lies about 6 miles northeast of Marshall along the Vandalia-Pennsylvania R. R. It was named for Ninevah McKeen, a civil war veteran, and the only person from Clark County to receive the Medal of Honor. A post office was established at McKeen on August 26, 1870 and discontinued on May 14, 1906.
Melrose - Melrose Township
Melrose, formerly known as Melrose Park, is located in Melrose Township at the corner of sections 18, 19, 20 and 21. It received its name from the township, which in turn got its name from an old English village.
A Post Office operated at Melrose from May 6, 1836 to July 26, 1877 and from Oct. 30,1877 to about the 193os. Melrose declined and was virtually abandoned by the1970s and all of the buildings were eventually demolished.
Moonshine - Orange Township
is situated on the southeast corner of section 29 in Orange Township, just east of the Johnson Township line. It lies about 9 miles south of Martinsville at the intersection of N. 600th Street and E. 300th road (county hwy 16). It received its name from the surrounding Moonshine Prairie, allegedly named by settlers in about 1840 when they saw the glistening of the dew upon the prairie grass in the moonlight. A post office was established at Moonshine on Oct 6, 1871 and was discontinued on Aug. 13, 1878.
The original Moonshine store was in the front room of a house owned by William "Billy" Martz, a veteran of the Civil War, located on the south side of the road. It also served as the first local post-office. Sylvester Crandall would bring the mail from Martinsville once a week by horse cart or buggy. A grocery store was built across the road in the late1800s to the north of the present store which was built about 1912. It was converted in 1982 to the Moonshine Store Restaurant.
To get to Moonshine, take Union St. south out of Martinsville, following the road straight for about 9 miles. It will turn into N. Creek Rd. and then N. 600 St.
Photo submitted by Sandy Cirullo and Larry Wells
Moriah - Johnson Township
is located in Johnson Township, near the northwest corner of section 22. It lies about 5 miles south and 3 miles east of Casey, or about 7 miles south and 3 miles west of Martinsville. It was formerly Mt. Moriah. A post office was established at Moriah on June 17, 1893. It was discontinued on April 15, 1915.
Neadmore - Johnson Township
is located the southwest corner of section 4 of Orange Township. It lies about ½ mile east and 5 miles south of Martinsville. A post office was established at Neadmore on March 2, 1887. It was discontinued March 31, 1903.
Oak Point - Johnson Township
is located about 7 miles south of Casey on Route 49, in Johnson Township. A Post Office operated at Oak Point from June 28, 1861 to Feb. 28, 1902.
Oakleaf - Casey Township
is a village situated on the northeast quarter of secton 14 of Casey Township. It is located about 3 miles northeast of Casey, and about 3 miles southwest of Martinsville, along route 40 (National Road) and the Vandalia-Pennsylvania railroad.
Oilfield - Parker Township
is a former village in the northwest quarter of section 20 of Parker Township about 6 miles north of Casey on route 49. It received its name in the early 1860s when several wells drilled in the vicinity produced oil. It has also been known as Oil Fields and Oil City. A post office was established at Oilfield on Feb. 19, 1896. It was discontinued since 1931. About all that remains now of the village is the Oilfield Garage and General Store building on the corner of route 49 and Parker Lane.
Orange - Orange Township
is a village located in the northwest quarter of section 27 of Orange Township. A post office was established at Orange on Sept. 29, 1871. It was discontinued March 31, 1903.
Walnut Prairie - York Township
is situated on the northwest quarter of section 8 and the east edge of the northeast quarter of section 7 in York Township. It is located about 10 miles south of Marshall on the New York Central R. R. east of route 1. The settlement took its name from the Walnut Prairie which was so named by early settlers for the many walnut trees which grew around its edge.
A Post office was established at Walnut Prairie on March 24, 1875. It was discontinued on May 15, 1923.
Weir - Orange Township
was located on the north half of section 1, of Orange Township, near the border with Martinsville Township
It was probably named for the Weir family of early settlers in the Martinsville area.
A Post office was established at Weir on Mar. 2, 1898. It was discontinued on June 30, 1901
Wells - Orange Township
was named for William & Matthew C. Wells.
A Post office was established at Wells on Nov. 6, 1893. It was discontinued on Oct. 31, 1902.
Westfield - Westfield Township
is a village situated on the southwest quarter and the south half of the northwest quarter of section 29, the southeast quarter and the south half of the northeast quarter of section 30, the north half of the northeast quarter of section 31, and the north half of the northwest quarter of section 32 in Westfield Township. It is located in the northwest corner of Clark County near the Coles and Edgar County lines, about 10 miles north of Casey and 10 miles SE or Charleston, on route 49 and the Dayton, Hamilton & Cincinnati R. R. It was platted in 1839 by Colonel Archer.
It received its name from the fact that it lies at the extreme northwest of the County.
A post office was established at Westfield on June 18, 1840. The village was incorporated on Aug. 31, 1875. It was the site of the Westfield College from 1861 to 1914, from which the village received much of its prosperity. In 1900, Westfield had a bank, five churches and two newspapers, and its population was 820.
West Union - York Township
is situated in the northwest corner of section 20 and the northeast corner of section 19 and the southeast corner of section 18 in in York Township. It is located about 12 miles south of Marshall on route 1 and the New York Central R. R.
The settlement took its name from the Union Prairie. It was also known as Union Station
A Post office was established at West Union on June 10, 1868.
York - York Township
is the oldest settlement in the county. It is located in York Township at the southeast corner of the county on the Wabash River. It was first settled in the spring of 1814, while yet part of the Illinois Territory, by Thomas Handy, a native of New York State. One legend says it was named after a family of early settlers, but It most likely took it's name from that state from whence came almost all of the early settlers. It was once a thriving river town. The heyday of "Old York" occurred during the era of the steamboats. It began to decline after 1875 when the Paris-Vincennes Railroad was built about 1 ½ to the west of town. The town of West York, just over the county line in Crawford County , was founded on the railway and soon grew at the expense of Old York.
A post office was established at York on Oct. 9, 1820, at that time part of Crawford County. It was discontinued since 1931.
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