We are searching data for your request:
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.
The acroterion , also the acroter (also outdated the acrotery plural acroteria , acroteria , acrotere , in the field of art history also acroterion , ancient Greek τὸ ἀκρωτήριον akrotérion "top corner, tip") serves as an architectural element of the crowning of the gable ridge at the gable corners , then called Eckakroter ( acroteria angularia ).
Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article.
Acroterion, plural Acroteria, in architecture, decorative pedestal for an ornament or statue placed atop the pediment of a Greek temple the term has also been extended to refer to the statue or ornament that stands on the pedestal. Originally a petal-shaped ornament with incised pattern, such as the honeysuckle, was placed on the ridge and at the eaves at either side of the pediment. Later this ornamentation was developed into groups of statuary, as at the Temple of Apollo (420 bc ) on the island of Delos the crowning group is dominated by Eos, the dawn, being lifted up by the handsome god Cephalus. At first, acroteria were made of terra-cotta, as were the roof tiles later they were made of stone. The acroteria of the Apollo temple are made of beautiful semitranslucent Pentelic marble.
The acroterion is sometimes incorporated into the design of furniture for example, it can be placed in the broken pediment of a secretary bookcase.
The J. Paul Getty Museum
This image is available for download, without charge, under the Getty's Open Content Program.
Akroterion with Medusa
Unknown 51 × 39 × 62.2 cm (20 1/16 × 15 3/8 × 24 1/2 in.) 78.AA.10
Open Content images tend to be large in file-size. To avoid potential data charges from your carrier, we recommend making sure your device is connected to a Wi-Fi network before downloading.
Currently on view at: Getty Villa, Gallery 110, The Etruscans
51 × 39 × 62.2 cm (20 1/16 × 15 3/8 × 24 1/2 in.)
Architectural Sculpture with Medusa (Display Title)
A sculpture that once crowned an architectural facade, this block is carved with the image of the Gorgon Medusa. On top of her head, a pair of wings flank two bearded serpent heads with their tails intertwined and knotted at her neck. Medusa’s snaky locks are shown as thick wavy curls extending out from both sides of her face, which is that of a beautiful woman with deeply carved eyes and full, slightly parted lips. Projecting from the lower end of the protome is a large rectangular tenon for insertion into the masonry structure, allowing the apotropaic image to project at a slight downward angle and gaze upon viewers below. With the exception of pitting on the surface of the face and an abrasion on the top of the nose, the protome is intact. The back of the head lacks curls, which would not have been visible, and is roughly worked the end of the tenon is broken off.
The function of this block with a protome carved fully in the round is evident from analogous surviving sculptures employed in both funeral chambers and civic buildings. Similar tufa gorgon heads decorated the façades of tomb monuments at Falerii Novi (the Tomba del Peccato) and Vulci (from Mandrione di Cavalupo). Other protomes, including Minerva, Jupiter, as well as male and female heads, decorated the Hellenistic gateways of Etruscan cities.
By 1977 - 1978
Pino Donati, sold to the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1978.
The Making of a Hero: Alexander the Great from Antiquity to the Renaissance (October 22, 1996 to January 5, 1997)
Frel, Jiří. Antiquities in the J. Paul Getty Museum: A Checklist Sculpture II: Greek Portraits and Varia (Malibu: J. Paul Getty Museum, November 1979), p. 19, no. V20.
Del Chiaro, Mario. "A Monumental Etruscan Medusa Head." The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal, vol. 9 (1981), pp. 53-58, figs. 1-2.
Wealth of the Ancient World. Exh. cat., Kimbell Art Museum. (Fort Worth: Kimbell Art Museum and Summa Publications, 1983), p. 87.
Krauskopf, I. "Gorgones (in Etruria)." In Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae IV, pt. 1 (1988), p. 335, no. 57.
Scala, Nicoletta. "Materiali scultorei volsiniesi e vulcenti di età ellenistica." Tra Orvieto e Vulci. Annali della Fondazione per il Museo «Claudio Faina» X (2003), p. 195.
Grossman, Janet Burnett. Looking at Greek and Roman Sculpture in Stone (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), pp. 109, ill.
Maggiani, A. “Sculture in nenfro da Tarquinia,” in M. Fano Santi, ed. Studi di archeologia in onore di Gustavo Traversari, vol. 2 (Rome: Giorgio Bretschneider, 2004), pp. 605-21, fig. 13.
Steingräber, Stephan. “Figürlicher architektonischer Fassadenschmuck in Etrurien und sein Nachleben bis in die Moderne." In Italo - Tusco - Romana: Festschrift Für Luciana Aigner-Foresti Zum 70. Geburtstag Am 30. Juli 2006. Petra Amann et al. eds. (Vienna: Wien: Holzhausen, 2006), p. 337.
Steingräber, Stephan. “Etruskische Stadtgottheiten: Architektonischer Kontext, Ikonographie und Ideologie.” In Kulte – Riten – religiose Vorstellungen bei den Etruskern und ihr Verhaltnis zu Politik und Gesellschaft: Akten der 1. Internationalen Tagung der Sektion Wien/Österreich des Istituto Nazionale di Studi Etruschi ed Italici (Wien, 4.-6. 12. 2008), Amann, Petra, ed. (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2012), p. 146, no. 16.
Ambrosini, L., “La Tomba del Pecatto di Falerii Novi. Riflessioni in margine a documenti inediti”, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome 129-1 (2017), 293-313, 307, fig. 31.
Lyons, Claire L. "New Etruscan Gallery premieres at the Getty Villa." Etruscan News 20 (Winter 2018), p. 16, fig. 2.
On the Purpose and Objective of the Corporation
Martin Lipton is a founding partner specializing in mergers and acquisitions and matters affecting corporate policy and strategy, and Steven A. Rosenblum and William Savitt are partners Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz. This post is based on a Wachtell Lipton memorandum by Mr. Lipton, Mr. Rosenblum, Mr. Savitt, Karessa L. Cain, Hannah Clark, and Bita Assad. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Illusory Promise of Stakeholder Governance by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here) and Toward Fair and Sustainable Capitalism by Leo E. Strine, Jr. (discussed on the Forum here).
As we approach the first anniversary of the Business Roundtable’s abandonment of shareholder primacy and embrace of stakeholder governance, and the fourth anniversary of our development for the World Economic Forum of The New Paradigm: A Roadmap for an Implicit Corporate Governance Partnership Between Corporations and Investors to Achieve Sustainable Long-Term Investment and Growth, we thought it useful to consider in broader context the key issues of corporate governance and investor stewardship today. While there is no universal consensus, the question underlying these issues can be expressed as: What is the corporation trying to achieve? What is its objective?
This question has elicited a wide range of proposed answers. The British Academy’s Future of the Corporation project, led by Colin Mayer of Oxford University, posits that the purpose of the corporation is to provide profitable solutions to problems of people and planet, while not causing harm. This view has been advocated for European corporations by the Enacting Purpose Initiative, of which Professor Mayer is a Co-Chair. In the U.S., the Business Roundtable has articulated a fundamental commitment of corporations to deliver value to all stakeholders, each of whom is essential to the corporation’s success. Each of the major U.S.-based index funds has also expressed its views about the purpose of the corporations in which they invest, which, considered collectively, can be summarized as the pursuit of sustainable business strategies that take into account environmental, social and governance (ESG) factors in order to drive long-term value creation. On the other hand, the Council of Institutional Investors, some leading economists and law professors, and some activist hedge funds and other activist investors continue to advocate a narrow scope of corporate purpose that is focused exclusively or principally on maximizing shareholder value.
Recent events—notably including the pandemic, its disparate impact on various segments of society, and the focus on inequality and injustice arising in the wake of the death of George Floyd—have accelerated the conversation on corporate purpose. The result has been substantial, salutary reflection about the role that corporations play in creating and distributing economic prosperity and the nexus between value and values.
For our part, we have supported stakeholder governance for over 40 years—first, to empower boards of directors to reject opportunistic takeover bids by corporate raiders, and later to combat short-termism and ensure that directors maintain the flexibility to invest for long-term growth and innovation. We continue to advise corporations and their boards that—consistent with Delaware law—they may exercise their business judgment to manage for the benefit of the corporation and all of its stakeholders over the long term.
In looking beyond the disruption caused by the pandemic, boards and corporate leaders have an opportunity to rebuild with the clarity and conviction that come from articulating a corporate purpose, anchored in a holistic understanding of the key drivers of their business, the ways in which those drivers shape and are shaped by values, and the interdependencies of multiple stakeholders that are essential to the long-term success of the business.
This opportunity leads us to reiterate and refine a simple formulation of corporate purpose and objective, as follows:
The purpose of a corporation is to conduct a lawful, ethical, profitable and sustainable business in order to ensure its success and grow its value over the long term. This requires consideration of all the stakeholders that are critical to its success (shareholders, employees, customers, suppliers and communities), as determined by the corporation and its board of directors using their business judgment and with regular engagement with shareholders, who are essential partners in supporting the corporation’s pursuit of its purpose. Fulfilling purpose in such manner is fully consistent with the fiduciary duties of the board of directors and the stewardship obligations of shareholders.
This statement of corporate purpose is broad enough to apply to every business entity, but at the same time supplies clear guideposts for action and engagement. The basic objective of sustainable profitability recognizes that the purpose of for-profit corporations includes creation of value for investors. The requirement of lawful and ethical conduct ensures generally recognized standards of corporate social compliance. Going further, the broader mandate to take into account all corporate stakeholders, including communities, is not limited to local communities, but comprises society and the economy at large and directs boards to exercise their business judgment within the scope of this broader responsibility. The requirement of regular shareholder engagement acknowledges accountability to investors, but also the shared responsibility of shareholders for responsible long-term corporate stewardship.
Fulfilling this purpose will require different approaches for each corporation depending on its industry, history, regulatory environment, governance and other factors. We expect that board committees—focusing on stakeholders, ESG issues and the stewardship obligations of shareholders— will be useful or even necessary for some companies. But for all the differences among companies, there is an important unifying commonality: corporate action, taken against the backdrop of this formulation of corporate purpose, will be fully protected by the business judgment rule, so long as decisions are made by non-conflicted directors acting upon careful consideration and deliberation.
Executed in this way, stakeholder governance will be a better driver of long-term value creation and broad-based prosperity than the shareholder primacy model. Directors and managers have the responsibility of exercising their business judgment in acting for the corporate entity that they represent, balancing its rights and obligations and taking into account both risks and opportunities over the long term, in regular consultation with shareholders. Directors will not be forced to narrow their focus and act as if any one interest trumps all others, with potentially destructive consequences, but will instead have latitude to make decisions that reasonably balance the interests of all constituencies in a manner that will promote the sustainable, long-term business success of the corporation as a whole.
Akroterion - History
Akroterion: Journal for the Classics in South Africa
Akroterion is published annually by the Department of Ancient Studies, University of Stellenbosch, with the financial support of the Classical Association of South Africa. The journal publishes articles in English or Afrikaans aimed at the non-specialist, covering all aspects of ancient Greek and Roman civilization, but focussing especially on the influence and reception of the Classics. Akroterion had its humble beginning in April 1956 under the name Newsletter/Nuusbrief. It was started by Prof. Frans Smuts, who was head of the Latin Department, and was primarily planned as a means of contact between the Department of Latin of the University of Stellenbosch and its old students. The name Newsletter was replaced with Akroterion in 1970. For more information about the history of the journal and the origin of its name, follow the link to the history of Akroterion. The present logo is based on the pedimental ornamentation of the Parthenon on the Acropolis in Athens.
Akroterion - History
After more than two decades of delays, construction has started on a Ritz-Carlton hotel that will have an entrance directly on Prague’s Old Town Square. It should open by 2022, a deadline set by City Hall in May 2018. The city had tried to cancel the project in 2018, but eventually relented.
The hotel project called U Sixtů, after one of the properties involved, will join together eight landmark buildings bordered by Old Town Square and Kamzíková, Celetná and Železná streets. The other buildings, aside from U Sixtů, are U Kamenného ptáka, U Uherské koruny, U Bílého jednorožce, U Bílého koníčka, U Černého slunce, U Kamenného beránka and U Bílého vlka.
According to previously published information, the hotel will offer about 90 rooms. The investor has promised the city that it will include 26 luxury apartments for rent. This is to keep in line with rules for residential housing for the protection of UNESCO World Heritage sites.
Buildings being joined to make Hotel U Sixtů. via Club for Old Prague
The project was first proposed in 1995, and has passed through many different hands and redesigns. Since 2004, half of the buildings have been owned by developer Akroterion, and the others are rented by the investor from the city on a long-term lease until 2081.
The Ritz-Carlton chain has an agreement to operate the hotel once it is built. The investor is cooperating with Ritz-Carlton architects on the interior design.
Historical research is continuing, even as construction takes place. Michal Šourek from studio MS architekti, which designed the hotel, said a fragment of a painted ceiling from the 17th century, had recently been discovered.
Construction at U Černého slunce. via Raymond Johnston
Conservationists had objected to the project, but are now working with the developers to protect as much of the historical look and detail as possible. The buildings have had extensive renovations in the past, and determining who they should look, after restoration is complicated.
The finished project will have some public access. A congress center and fitness center will be built on the ground floor and basement of the hotel, There will also be a restaurant, cafe, bar and shops..
Abbreviations used in L'Annee Philologique
L'Année Philologique Abbreviations Key with UCB Periodical Location in OskiCat
A list of abbreviations and corresponding journal titles used in and created by L'Année Philologique.
Gazette numismatique suisse
German Studies: a review of German-language research contributions. Sect. l: Philosophy and history 3: Literature, Music. Fine arts
History and Theory: studies in the philosophy of history
Hefte des Archäologischen Seminars der Universität Bern
History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences
Istoriko-filosofsky ezegodnik (History of philosophy yearbook), ed. by the Inst. of Philosophy of the Acad. of Sciences of URSS
Invigilata lucernis: rivista dell'Istituto di Latino
Jahresberichte aus Augst und Kaiseraugst
Journal of Classical Studies: the journal of the Class. Soc. of Japan
Journal of Greco-Roman Studies
Journal of Roman military equipment studies
Journal for the study of Judaism: (in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman period)
Jaarbericht van het Voor-Aziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap Ex Oriente Lux
Kratkije soobseniâ Inst. arheol. Akad. Nauk SSSR
Linguistica Biblica: interdisziplinäre Zeitschrift für Theologie und Linguistik
Litterae Numismaticae Vindobonenses
Mitteilungen der Archäologischen Gesellschaft Steiermark
Mededelingen van de koninklijke Academie voor Wetensehappen, Letteren & Schone Kunsten van België, Kl. der Letteren
Mainzer Archäologische Zeitschrift
Münsterische Beiträge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte
Materiali e contributi per la storia della narrativa greco-latina
Damaszener Mitteilungen, hrsg. von dem Deutschen Archäologischen Institut (Station Damaskus)
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Abt. Istambul)
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Abt. Madrid)
Medical History: a quarterly journal devoted to the history of medicine and related sciences
Miscellanea greca e romana: studi pubblicati dall'Ist. italiano per la storia antica
Museum Helveticum: revue suisse pour l'étude de l'Antiquité classique
Mediterranean Historical Review, ed. by the Aranne School of History, Tel Aviv Univ
Mitteilungen zur christlichen Archäologie
Mélanges de Science Religieuse
Mainzer Zeitschrift: Mittelrheinisches Jahrbuch für Archäologie, Kunst und Geschichte
Numismatica e antichità classiche: quaderni ticinesi
New England Classical Newsletter
Numismatisches Nachrichtenblatt: Organ des Verbandes der Dt. Münzvereine
Nouvelle Revue Théologique
Novum Testamentum: an international quarterly for New Testament and related studies
New Testament Studies: an international journal publ. quarterly under the auspices of Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas
Oriens Antiquus: rivista del Centro per le Antichità e la Storia dell'Arte del vicino Oriente
Opuscula Atheniensia: acta Inst. Athen. Regni Sueciae
Oriens Christianus: Hefte für die Kunde des christlichen Orients
Opuscula Romana: acta Inst. Rom. Regni Sueciae
Boalt Law Library BQV102 .O8
Past and Present: a journal of historical Studies
Philologia classica: recueil interuniversitaire périodique
Philosophische Rundschau: eine Zeitschrift für philosophische Kritik
Pamâtniki kul'tury (Monuments of culture: new discoveries)
Pitannâ klasicnoï filologìï (Questions de philologie classique)
Il pensiero politico: rivista di storia delle idee politiche e sociali
Quaderni di Cultura e di Tradizione classica
Quaderni di filologia classica dell'Università di Trieste, Ist. di Filol. class.
Quaderni dell'Istituto di Archeologia e Storia antica dell'Univ. G. d'Annunzio, Chieti
Quaderni dell'Ist. di Filosofia, Univ. degli Studi di Perugia, Fac. di Magistero
Quaderni linguistici e filologici: ricerche svolte presso l'Univ. degli Studi di Macerata
Childhood sexuality and the causes of homosexuality
The model of male homosexuality as an inborn and unchanging gender-based orientation did not neutralise concerns about age-differentiated relationships and the corruption of youth. Sexual scientific writings featured abundant examples apparently indicating the inculcation of young people into homosexuality. Sexual scientists did not ignore this evidence, but drew on it in considering the causes of homosexuality and debating whether it was inborn or acquired. In so doing, they engaged with and contributed to theorisations of childhood sexuality, which further destabilised the inborn model and undermined aetiological certainty.65 65 On sexology and aetiology, see Valerie Rohy, Lost Causes: Narrative, Etiology, and Queer Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015) Benjamin Kahan, The Book of Minor Perverts: Sexology, Etiology, and the Emergences of Sexuality (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2019).
Even sexual scientists seeking to present homosexuality as inborn acknowledged that formative experiences in youth could cause a younger person to develop same-sex desires. Historical and anthropological materials (which had a special value for sexual scientists keen to present homosexuality as a transhistorical and transcultural form of sexual variation) drew attention to cultures that appeared to encourage same-sex desires in the young.66 66 See Kate Fisher and Jana Funke, ‘Cross-Disciplinary Translations: British Sexual Science, History and Anthropology’, in Heike Bauer (ed.), Sexology and Translation: Cultural and Scientific Encounters Across the Modern World (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2015), pp. 95–114 Kate Fisher and Jana Funke, ‘“Let Us Leave the Hospital Let Us Go On a Journey Around the World”: British and German Sexual Science and the Global Search for Sexual Variation’, in Veronica Füchtner, Douglas E. Haynes and Ryan M. Jones (eds), A Global History of Sexual Science: 1880–1960 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2018), pp. 51–69. On sexology and anthropology, see also Andrew P. Lyons and Harriet D. Lyons, Irregular Connections: A History of Anthropology and Sexuality (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), pp. 155–84.
Ellis suggested to Symonds that in both ancient Greece and ‘Eskimo’ societies, the child was ‘brought up by its parents to sex[ual] inversion’, so that it was impossible to determine whether homosexuality resulted from an inborn predisposition or external influence.67 67 Sean Brady (ed.), John Addington Symonds (1840–1893) and Homosexuality: A Critical Edition of Sources (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p. 223.
Similarly, Finnish anthropologist Edvard Westermarck, despite finding the inborn model convincing, struggled to apply it to his observations of Morocco. In The Origin and Development of Moral Ideas (1906), he concluded that same-sex experiences in youth, a time when the ‘sexual instinct’ was ‘somewhat indefinite’, were capable of shaping a young person's desires in ‘a homosexual direction’.68 68 Edvard Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, vol. 2 (London: Macmillan, 1917), p. 468. On Westermarck and homosexuality, see e.g. Juhani Ihanus, Multiple Origins: Edward Westermarck in Search of Mankind (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1999), pp. 226–9 Ralph Leck, ‘Westermarck's Morocco’, in Füchtner, et al. (eds), A Global History of Sexual Science, pp. 70–96.
Bloch also maintained that homosexuality in young people could be the result of ‘breeding’ [Züchtung], giving the example of boys in male same-sex brothels in China.69 69 Iwan Bloch, Beiträge zur Aetiologie der Psychopathia Sexualis (Dresden: H. R. Dohrn, 1902), p. 32.
He criticised reform-oriented colleagues like German zoologist and anthropologist Friedrich Karsch for political bias in misinterpreting the anthropological evidence and holding onto an exclusively inborn model.70 70 E.g. Friedrich Krauss, ‘Von den Uraniern’, Anthropophyteia 6 (1909), pp. 177–80, used anthropological evidence to support homosexual reform. See also Leck, Vita Sexualis, p. 62.
In a letter to Bloch written in 1900, Ellis conceded that he had excluded from Sexual Inversion ‘vicious cases’ involving age-differentiated same-sex bonds that were injurious to the younger person.71 71 Havelock Ellis quoted in Erwin J. Haeberle, 75 Years of Sexology (1908–1983) (Washington: World Association for Sexology, 1983), p. 15.
Such evidence continued to raise the spectre of the young person being seduced into homosexuality by an older partner.
In response, sexual scientists began to label different kinds of homosexuality. Ellis and Symonds employed the category of ‘pseudo-homosexuality’ to understand cases in which male homosexuality was acquired.72 72 See e.g. Ellis, Sexual Inversion, p. 104. See also, Dan Orrells, ‘Greek Love, Orientalism and Race: Intersections in Classical Reception’, The Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (2012), pp. 194–220.
Similarly, Bloch's 1905–6 investigation of homosexuality led him to distinguish between ‘genuine’ [echter] inborn homosexuality and acquired pseudo-homosexuality, a distinction and terminology that Hirschfeld adopted.73 73 Bloch, Sexualleben, p. 541 Hirschfeld, Homosexualität, pp. 296–7.
Such attempts to tease apart different forms of homosexuality were meant to secure the primacy of inborn homosexuality as the only ‘true’ form of homosexuality and to exclude cases of youthful seduction. Effectively, however, these debates showed that not all homosexual desires were inborn, and kept alive the possibility that youth inculcation could cause homosexuality.
Attempts to differentiate between inborn and acquired homosexuality also drew attention to childhood as a decisive period in the individual's development. On the one hand, explorations of childhood sexuality supported the inborn model: demonstrating that homosexual tendencies were evident from the earliest stages of development eliminated seduction as a causative factor. Ellis and Symonds suggested that discerning whether an individual was a ‘true’ inborn homosexual required ‘a sufficiently minute knowledge of the subject in early life’.74 74 Ellis, Sexual Inversion, p. 128. See also, e.g. Hirschfeld, Homosexualität, pp. 42–6, p. 110.
On the other hand, many narratives of homosexual awareness in childhood, instead of affirming sexual orientation as fixed, drew attention to the ways in which youthful sexuality was shaped by external influences, specifically older partners. In Modern Ethics, Symonds discusses the case of the homosexual awakening experienced by a man who was touched by ‘a comrade rather older’ than himself at the age of eight.75 75 Symonds, Modern Ethics, p. 94.
Several case studies of male homosexuality in the first edition of Sexual Inversion describe fantasies or actual sexual encounters with older boys and men.76 76 E.g. cases VI, IX, XII in Ellis, Sexual Inversion, pp. 132, 136, 138.
As Symonds acknowledged, such cases revealed the ‘imperative impressions made on the imagination or the senses of boys during the years which precede puberty’.77 77 Symonds, Modern Ethics, p. 93.
As such, case histories tracing sexual development from childhood onwards did not offer strong certainty regarding the inborn nature of homosexuality.
The inborn model was destabilised further by theorisations of childhood sexuality as naturally diffuse. Acknowledging that a child's desires might be undifferentiated drew attention to the developmental processes and external (potentially corrupting) forces shaping sexual orientation. Freud's accounts of sexual development, for instance, focused on the impact of young people's relationships with older persons, especially parents.78 78 On Freud's views on homosexuality, see e.g. Sara Flanders et al., ‘On the Subject of Homosexuality: What Freud Said’, The International Journal of Psychoanalysis 97 (2016), pp. 933–50. On Freud and childhood sexuality, see Kern, ‘Child Sexuality’ Sauerteig, ‘Loss of Innocence’.
For Freud, all adult sexuality was shaped by early sexual experiences homosexuality resulted from arrested sexual development caused by developmental disturbances, including seduction by an older person.79 79 In his 1910 case study of Leonardo da Vinci, Freud suggested that da Vinci's homosexuality was caused by him being ‘kissed by her [the mother] into precocious sexual maturity’ (Sigmund Freud, ‘Leonardo da Vinci and a Memory of his Childhood’ in Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, vol. XI, (1957: London: Vintage, 2001), pp. 59–137, here p. 131). On Freud and developmental arrest, see Flanders et al., ‘Homosexuality’, pp. 944–5.
Explorations of the role of youthful seduction in causing homosexuality were not limited to psychoanalysis, but cut across different branches of sexual science.80 80 Scholars frequently argue that the question of whether homosexuality was inborn or acquired divided sexology and psychoanalysis, e.g. Ivan Crozier, ‘Taking Prisoners: Havelock Ellis, Sigmund Freud and the Construction of Homosexuality, 1897–1951’, Social History of Medicine 13 (2000), pp. 447–66 Mancini, Hirschfeld, pp. 71–7. While not inaccurate, sexologists were open to exploring the impact of external influences in causing homosexuality, and Freud did not rule out congenital factors. See Timothy F. Murphy, ‘Freud and Sexual Reorientation Therapy’, Journal of Homosexuality 23 (1992), pp. 21–38, here p. 24. Most importantly, a shared interest in childhood sexual development connected sexology and psychoanalysis. On this point, see also Sauerteig, ‘Loss of Innocence’ Sutton, Between Body and Mind, chapter 1.
Proponents of the inborn model did not shy away from addressing the relationship between male homosexuality and childhood sexuality, despite the difficulties this posed. Hirschfeld discussed scholarship on childhood sexuality and age-differentiated bonds in youth, including works by Dessoir, Julien Chevalier, Moll, Freud and others.81 81 E.g. Hirschfeld, Homosexualität, pp. 46–7 344–5.
He agreed that childhood sexuality was more diffuse than adult sexuality: all children, including those who became ‘strictly heterosexual’ [scharf heterosexuell] later on in life, experienced same-sex desires in youth.82 82 Hirschfeld, Homosexualität, p. 46–8, 46.
Only the experienced sexologist, he maintained, was able to differentiate between children who fell in love with members of the same sex due to an inborn predisposition and those whose same-sex attraction was merely symptomatic of the undifferentiated nature of childhood sexuality.83 83 Hirschfeld, Homosexualität, pp. 46–8.
Other sexologists, especially those less invested in the project of homosexual reform, concluded that it was impossible to draw a clear distinction between inborn and acquired forms of homosexuality. In response to sexologists like Chevalier or Benjamin Tarnowsky, who stressed that homosexuality could be caused by ‘moral contagion and seduction’ in youth, Moll agreed that, alongside cases of inborn homosexuality, there were instances in which young people were corrupted into permanent homosexuality due to the diffuse nature of childhood sexuality.84 84 E.g. Albert Moll, Die Conträre Sexualempfindung (Berlin: H. Kornfeld, 1891), pp. 165–6. In Moll, Das Sexualleben des Kindes, p. 206, he explained further ‘that the child's sexual interest can be turned towards the same-sex during this period of undifferentiated sexuality, so that a permanent perversion might develop’, especially when young people enter into relationships with adults. Moll initially supported Hirschfeld in the fight to decriminalise male homosexuality, but later declared that he had underestimated the problem of young people being seduced into homosexuality. See Volkmar Sigusch, ‘The Sexologist Albert Moll – Between Sigmund Freud and Magnus Hirschfeld’, Medical History 56 (2012), pp. 184–200, here pp. 195–6.
Ultimately, he argued that theorisations of childhood sexuality demonstrated the incoherence of the inborn/acquired distinction since supposedly inborn cases, in which homosexual desires were apparent early on, might be outgrown, while cases of individuals seduced into homosexuality might nonetheless have an inborn inclination.85 85 Moll, Conträre Sexualempfindung, pp. 127–8.
Similarly, in the 1920s, Arthur Kronfeld, a psychiatrist and permanent staff member of Hirschfeld's Institute, concluded that the study of childhood sexuality demonstrated that ‘[t]he disjunction: inborn or acquired – is … misleading’.86 86 Arthur Kronfeld, Über psychosexuellen Infantilismus: eine Konstitutionsanomalie (Leipzig: Ernst Bircher, 1921), p. 20.
Even if many sexual scientists continued to foreground congenital factors in the causation of homosexuality, the inborn model was continuously challenged by arguments about childhood sexuality that drew attention to the power of external influence, including instances of youthful seduction. Despite their different investments, sexual scientists shared a fascination with the question of how and why the child developed from a state of undifferentiated sexuality into adult homo- or heterosexuality, which not only created divisions, but also led to ongoing dialogue between different branches of sexual science. Through these contestations, early twentieth-century sexual science produced a range of explanatory models regarding the causes of homosexuality in which age-differentiated relationships continued to play a significant role.
The pediment groups of the temple are probably the most interesting aspects of the Temple of Aphaia. They provide a very interesting look at the evolution of sculpting techniques over the period 510 to 480 BC. Why? Because there seem to be three, not two, pediment groups: one west and two east groups. The west group and one east group date to the same time (about 500 to 510 BC), but the second east group, which replaced the first east group, dates about 20 years later. For some reason, the Aeginetans replaced the first east pediment group with the second, which is the one remaining today. Most of the things remaining from the original east group are helmeted heads and arms and legs. It is unknown what sculptor did either set of works, but it is possible that the second east pediment group is the work of Onatas of Aegina. (Ridgway, Severe Style, p. 89 Ohly, Glyptothek, p. 55)
Many reasons have been put forward as to why there is an extra pediment. Perhaps the earliest, and the most unlikely is that the two pediments represent a contest for the east pediment position, in which one person lost and another won. However, the differences in the styles between west/first east and the second east group seem to be differences in time, not in individual style, and this theory is mentioned in passing and then discarded by Ridgway (Severe Style, p. 13). Perhaps the major explanation is that the east pediment group had somehow been damaged or destroyed, and a new group was then required to take the place of the damage sculptures. Various agents have been blamed for this damage, including the Persian wars (Richter, p.93), lightning (Berve, p. 350), which must have been quite dramatic. However, the problem with this scenario is that “if damage had been slight, proper patchwork, such as that carried out at Olympia, should have proved adequate, while massive damage should have extended also to the architecture, which on the contrary appears well preserved… The nature of the evidence is also peculiar since East I consists mostly of helmeted heads, hands and feet” (Ridgway, Severe Style, p. 13-14). She goes on to make her point, and at the same time create another theory for the creation of the second east group. “Could some special significance be read into this fact, and could one postulate that the missing bodies were in a different medium?” She points out that Aegina, during the period represented by these pediment groups, was known as a famous bronze-casting center. The artists, she says,
“might have thought it natural to make only the naked parts of the warriors in stone, and to cover bodies in cheaper material with bronze armor and shields. Figures entirely of bronze would have been too expensive, and the color contrast between marble and metal might have been counted a quality rather than a fault. The procedure is certainly complicated, and it was perhaps deemed expedient not to follow it for the less conspicuous West pediment. When, however, the Western figures were set in place they probably looked vastly superior to their hybrid Eastern counterparts, and equally colorful with added metal ornaments and painted details… The central Athena, being a totally draped figure, might have been carved almost entirely of marble this possibility might explain the survival of the large fragment with her skirt and feet.” (Ridgway, Severe Style, p. 14)
Unfortunately, and Ridgway is the first to admit this, there is no objective support for this theory. There are, for example, no dowel holes or attachment surfaces preserved in the fragments of the first east group. Another, completely different hypothesis, is that there never was a first group. Ridgway (Severe Style, p. 14) considers this impossible, since the “the number of preserved heads and the definite differences in style and scale apparently make it impossible to distribute all available fragments between two pediments <east and west> only.” Ohly (Glyptothek, p. 47) seems to prefer this theory, however. In his history of the temple, he states that “Building began ca. 510 and was completed ca. 480 with an interval of a decade between 500 and 490. The west pediment belongs to the first building of the temple, the east pediment to the second.”
What do the remaining pediment groups consist of? They show scenes of battles fought by Aeginetan heroes during the first and second wars against Troy. The following reconstruction is from Ohly (Glyptothek, p. 54), and uses the notation given there.
The east group (see figure 4) shows the first campaign, undertaken by Telamon and Herakles (Ohly, Glyptothek, p. 57). Telamon was the “father of Ajax and son of Aeacus, first king of Aegina,” Aeacus being one of the many sons of Zeus. Herakles was another son of Zeus, his mother being the river nymph Aegina, after whom this island was named. “When Telamon and Herakles stormed Troy, Herakles with his arrows slew the Trojan king Laomedon and all his sons but one, the future king Priam.” And this is the story in the east pediment. There were eleven statues representing this battle, the central being Athena (E-I). While she was striding to the right, her gaze was directed out towards the viewer. She brandished the Aegis at the Trojan champion to her left, possibly Priam (E-II). Priam, meanwhile, is occupied with his Greek opponent (E-III), who now has more than one chest wound. Another Greek (E-IV) brings the helmet which Priam’s opponent lost in the fighting. Behind these valiant men, Herakles (E-V), as archer, fires arrows into the Trojan army, and he has hit the king Laomedon, who now is dying. Lying behind Herakles, is a wounded Greek (E-VI), who has been hit by the Herakles counterpart, the Trojan archer (E-X). On Athena’s right, the Greek Telamon (E-VII), takes on his Trojan opponent (E-VIII), who is staggering back under the onslaught of Telamon’s attack. Behind this hard-pressed warrior, another Trojan (E-IX), brings him aid.
The west pediment group (see figure 5) consists of thirteen people and two objects. This scene is the second siege, undertaken by Aeacus’ descendants, prominently Ajax, Telamon’s son, and thus grandson of Zeus. Again, Athena (W-I) stands in the middle, and looks outward to the viewer, but in this scene she is standing still. To her left is the Trojan champion (W-II) fighting off his Greek opponent (W-III). Behind this warrior is Teucer (W-IV), firing arrows. He has taken out W-VII with one of his shots. On the other side of Athena, Ajax (W-IX) takes on a Trojan opponent (W-X), and beyond this fight Paris (W-XI) fires his bow, and has already hit an opponent (W-XIV). On each side of Athena, behind the archers, is another warrior (W-V,W-XII), attacking the crouching warriors (W-VI, W-XIII). The helmet (W-VIII) of the wounded Trojan and the shield (W-XV) of the wounded Greek lie at each end of the battle.
What is the significance of these pediments? The two pediments, while displaying the same mythological material, sculpted in the same area and made for the same temple, represent a difference in time of about 15 or 20 years, providing “the ideal parallel and contrast between late archaic and early classical style”. (Ridgway, Severe Style, p. 13) The west pediment material “precedes the revolution which set in at the turn of the century… Though his <the ‘West pediment master’> figures present a great variety of movements and postures of the human form… nonetheless their movement manifests the same restraint and unshakeable self confidence as the stiff, erect youths <of the archaic kouroi>.” The war is carried out with “an untroubled, one might almost say cheerful, self-confidence… The ‘West pediment master’ saw the triangular pediment space as a hollowed-out field which he must fill up with a pattern of figures. He used the space artistically but his figure-group bears no relationship to it.” In contrast, “On the East pediment, the space is opened up. It no longer serves simply as the background to a flat pattern of figures but rather as the atmosphere, the stage, in which the figures are acting out a unified dramatic effect.” The figures
“act of their own free will, doing and suffering in the shadow of self-awareness… Compare two bowmen, Herakles (E-V) and Paris (W-XI). Herakles draws his bow with a solid massive effort that makes Paris seem almost light-hearted and weightless. Again, the Trojan king Laomedon, wounded by Herakles’s arrow, is portrayed on the East pediment as a man sinking beneath the burden of his inescapable fate. The ‘west pediment master’ makes him simply a wounded man (E-VII) without weightier cares.” (Ohly, Glyptothek, p. 63-64)
Lullies (p. 68) has this to say about the contrast: “In comparison with the figures on the west pediment those on the later east pediment are not only distinguished by their larger proportions, but are also freer in their movements, more naturally spaced, and liberated from the rigidity that characterizes Archaic figures. A more coherent current of life seems to flow through them: they are the visible expression of a new organic conception of the human body and a new approach to monumental sculpture.” Ridgway (Severe Style, p. 15-16) has much to say about the styles:
“The figures of the West pediment already show a ‘tired’ brand of archaism…
“Of the two central Athenas only the heads allow confrontation, and the most striking change lies in the different proportions. Athena West is built horizontally, Athena East vertically… In the earlier Athena the area of the cheekbones coincides with the greatest width of the face a hypothetical line joining temples and chin in an elliptical curve would leave part of the cheek out. A similar experiment tried on the Eastern Athena shows that the facial oval is more regular and the cheeks approximate the flat rendering typical of early Severe works. Finally, notice the shape of the mouth: the longer upper lip dominates the lower, thus preventing the smiling formula of Athena West since the part between the lips is not completely straight but faintly curved upward, the result still suggests a concealed smile.”
In talking about the archers facing left (W-XI and E-V, supposedly Paris and Herakles), she says “the differences in outline are significant. The earlier figure is still a silhouette pattern of an archer, whose arms clear the face so that the whole human body is visible. Herakles’ left arm is level with his shoulder, but the head bends slightly forward, so that the chin is blocked from sight when the torso is in profile, the head is in three-quarter view.” She also notes, however, that the coiffures of the east pediment are very similar to those of the west. This is probably “partly because the replacement figures were indeed meant as counterparts for the rear gable, partly also because they represented ‘heroes’ who, as such, did not belong to the contemporary generation of men.” (Ridgway, Severe Style, p. 17)
Besides the pediment collections, there were two other groups of statues, probably sculpted by the west pediment master. These were set up in the precinct in front of the east facade of the temple. There is little left from one group, called simply ‘The Warrior Group’ because of the remnants: two arms from an archer drawing a bow, possibly his right leg and quiver, and various other parts of warriors: four heads, and some hands. A fragment of Athena is also attributed to this group. Far more is known about the other group. This tells the story of Zeus’ abduction of the nymph Aegina. (this paragraph from Ohly, Glyptothek, p. 64-66)
The statue of Aphaia occupied a position less than central. In the cella a stone base in the northwest corner survives, which held the presumably wooden representation of Aphaia. In the middle of this same cella stood another statue of Athena, “armed and more than lifesize” which was set on a base and surrounded with a wooden railing. (from Ohly, Glyptothek, p. 50)
Because of its position at a crossroads in historical styles, both this temple and its sculpture have been used in promoting theories and noting trends. For example, “The Temple of Aphaia at Aegina offers the first positive example of a temple decorated on both sides with battles.” (Ridgway, Archaic Style, p. 215) Dinsmoor (p. 170) used it in inferring “that the peristyle of a temple was generally the first part erected… evidence is derived from the temple at Aegina. (where three of the peristyle columns were omitted until the last moment so that material for the cella could be brought in)”
The sculpture has been even more useful to researchers. Richter (Three Critical Periods, p. 5), talking of the evolution of facial expression, finds “interest in this epoch… of facial expression to indicate emotion… From the eastern pediment of the Aegina temple of about 480 BC comes the head of a dying warrior, whose ebbing strength is suggested in the gradual closing of the eyes in a remarkably realistic manner.” Ridgway (Severe Style, p. 13-17, uses it in arguing for the Severe style.
Cornell has a certain number of these statues in its collection. According to the list of the H.W. Sage collection, there should be at least twelve. These are ten statues from the west pediment (the list does not state which ten), and two from the east pediment, presumably the second. One of these is Herakles the Archer (E-V, and H.W. Sage # 69), and the other is called the ‘Body Snatcher’ (H.W. Sage # 68). Since I was unable to find and see either of these, we can only guess as to what this second name refers to. Possibly it denotes one of the aids, (E-IV or E-IX) who could be said to be waiting for the wounded warriors to fall. Of the west pediment (H.W. Sage # 58-67), certain statues were to be found in and under classroom D, Goldwin Smith Hall. All of these statues were copied while the originals were in restored condition, and while at times age and mishandling has simulated the true condition of the originals now, most are still in fairly good condition. Everybody except Paris (W-XI) is missing his penis, probably due to some fraternity genital spree. They probably would have gotten to Paris’ manliness also, but he had the good sense to wear pants. In the following descriptions, where possible I have given Ohly’s names (Glyptothek), his positioning notation, and the H.W. Sage number.
The Trojan champion (W-II, H.W. Sage # 64) is under classroom D, in row G1, while his shield and right arm are in row D. The crest of his helm has fallen off and is on his base. Other than this and his broken right arm, both of which could easily be re-attached, he is in very good condition.
The right warrior (W-V, H.W. Sage # 60) is found beneath classroom D, in row G2. Again, his only major problem is that his left arm has fallen off. In this case, however, there does not seem to be a left arm anywhere else that fits him.
Ajax (W-IX) is in the northwest corner of classroom D. The crest on his helm is missing, and he has been painted. His front is black, and it looks as if someone has tried to make his helmet and shield look bronzed. Both helm and shield are half-splotched with this coloring.
Paris (W-XI) kneels in a niche in row J, under classroom D, holding the remains of his broken arrow. His left toes, except for the big toe, are broken off, but not as far up as on the original, and he is missing the fingers of his right hand.
The left warrior (W-XII, H.W. Sage # 65) is in row D under classroom D, with the strap of his shield in his left hand and no shield. His right arm has come off and is on the slab beneath this warrior. There are many other small pieces on this slab, possibly from other statues.
The left crouching warrior (W-XIII, H.W. Sage # 63) is under classroom D in row G2. He has lost his left arm, his big toe on his right foot, and all but his big toe on his left foot.
The left warrior who has been wounded with an arrow (W-XIV, H.W. Sage # 67) is also under classroom D in row G2. Other than what seems to have been someone carving off his big toe, he is in decent condition.
Athena (W-I) is behind the railing above the stairs behind classroom D. Except for some small chips, she is in very good condition. Her shield is chipped on the forward edge, and there is a chip at the top of her helm, which is flat. Possibly there was a decoration there. There has been an attempt to paint Athena, similar to the job done on Ajax. Her body is black, her hair white on the left and blue on the right. The shield is unpainted. The shawl part of her clothing is colored gold, and the helm is partially white, partially gold.
Another statue is possibly down under classroom D. A statue numbered H.W. Sage # 66 is listed as being in row H, but there does not seem to be any such statue there. This number could, however, be that of Paris or Ajax, who have no number on them.
The major problem with these statues is that unlike the originals, the ‘renovations’ on these cannot be easily removed.